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2019年10月20日 00:12:53来源:管报

  • How To Get the President to Speak at Your GraduationAt the beginning of the school year, the President encouraged students to take responsibility for their education, study hard and graduate from high school. That’s why the President and I are proud to announce the Race to the Top High School Commencement challenge. The challenge encourages schools to show how they are making great strides on personal responsibility, academic excellence and college iness. In your application, tell us why your school is special and why it should be a model for other schools around the country.Download Video: mp4 (40MB) | mp3 (1MB) Following the application deadline, six finalists will be selected by the White House and Department of Education. These schools will then be featured on the White House website and the public will have an opportunity to vote for the three schools they think best meet the President’s goal. The President will select a national winner from these three finalists and visit the winning high school to deliver the commencement address to the class of 2010.Applications must be submitted no later than Monday, March 15th at 11:59 pm EST. Learn more about the challenge at www.WhiteHouse.gov/Commencement. You can also check out our facebook page at Facebook.com/racetothetop.201002/97060。
  • In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.在未来几年,我们的和平自由计划将着重四点。First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the ed Nations and related agencies,第一,我们将继续坚定不移地持联合国及其有关机构,and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness.继续寻求各种方法来加强这些机构的权威和增加这些机构的效率。We believe that the ed Nations will be strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.今天,不少新的国家正在成立,正在民主原则的指引下向自治方向迈进,我们相信,联合国将因这些新国家而得到加强。Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.第二,我们将继续执行我们制定的世界经济复兴计划。This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program.这意味着我们必须首先全力持欧洲复兴计划。We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery.对于世界复兴中这一重大事业的成功,我们充满了信心。We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.我们相信,通过这项工作,我们的伙伴将再一次取得自给国家的地位。In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume.此外,我们还必须执行为减少世界贸易壁垒、增加世界贸易额而制定的计划。Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.经济复兴与和平本身都取决于世界贸易的增加。Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.第三,我们要加强热爱自由的国家的力量,以抵御侵略的威胁。We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area.我们和许多国家一起,正在为增加北大西洋地区的安全面起草一项共同协议。Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the ed Nations Charter.这种协议将根据联合国宪章的规定,采取集体防御协定的形式。We have aly established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.我们已经根据里约热内卢公约为西半球建立了这样一个防御同盟。The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter.这些协议的主要目的是明确表示自由国家抵抗来自任何地方的武装进攻的共同决心。Each country participating in these arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.参加这些协议的每个国家必须为共同防御贡献出全部力量。If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur.如果我们能预先充分地表明,任何影响到我们国家安全的武装进攻必将遭到强大的抵抗,那么武装进攻也许就永远不会发生。02/440682。
  • President's Radio AddressTHE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This is an extraordinary period for America's economy. Many Americans are anxious about their finances and their future. On Wednesday, I spoke to the Nation, and thanked Congress for working with my Administration to address the instability in our financial system. On Thursday, I hosted Senator McCain, Senator Obama, and congressional leaders from both parties at the White House to discuss the urgency of passing a bipartisan rescue package for our economy.The problems in our economy are extremely complex, but at their core is uncertainty over "mortgage-backed securities." Many of these financial assets relate to home mortgages that have lost value during the housing decline. In turn, the banks holding these assets have restricted credit, and businesses and consumers have found it more difficult to obtain affordable loans. As a result, our entire economy is in danger. So I proposed that the Federal government reduce the risk posed by these troubled assets, and supply urgently needed money to help banks and other financial institutions avoid collapse and resume lending. I know many of you listening this morning are frustrated with the situation. You make sacrifices every day to meet your mortgage payments and keep up with your bills. When the government asks you to pay for mistakes on Wall Street, it does not seem fair. And I understand that. And if it were possible to let every irresponsible firm on Wall Street fail without affecting you and your family, I would do it. But that is not possible. The failure of the financial system would mean financial hardship for many of you.The failure of the financial system would cause banks to stop lending money to one another and to businesses and consumers. That would make it harder for you to take out a loan or borrow money to expand a business. The result would be less economic growth and more American jobs lost. And that would put our economy on the path toward a deep and painful recession.The rescue effort we're negotiating is not aimed at Wall Street -- it is aimed at your street. And there is now widesp agreement on the major principles. We must free up the flow of credit to consumers and businesses by reducing the risk posed by troubled assets. We must ensure that taxpayers are protected, that failed executives do not receive a windfall from your tax dollars, and that there is a bipartisan board to oversee these efforts.Under the proposal my Administration sent to Congress, the government would spend up to 0 billion to buy troubled assets from banks and other financial institutions. I know many Americans understand the urgency of this action, but are concerned about such a high price tag. Well, let me address this directly:The final cost of this plan will be far less than 0 billion. And here's why: As fear and uncertainty have gripped the market for mortgage-related assets, their price has dropped sharply. Yet many of these assets still have significant underlying value, because the vast majority of people will eventually pay off their mortgages. In other words, many of the assets the government would buy are likely to go up in price over time. This means that the government will be able to recoup much, if not all, of the original expenditure.Members of Congress from both sides of the aisle have contributed constructive proposals that have improved this plan. I appreciate the efforts of House and Senate Democratic and Republican leaders to bring a spirit of bipartisan cooperation to these discussions. Our Nation's economic well-being is an issue that transcends partisanship. Republicans and Democrats must continue to address it together. And I am confident that we will pass a bill to protect the financial security of every American very soon.Thank you for listening.200809/50870。
  • Thank you very much.On behalf of the great Empire State and the whole family of New York, let me thank you for the great privilege of being able to address this convention. Please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric. Let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with the questions that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the American people.Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families, and their futures. The President said that he didnt understand that fear. He said, ;Why, this country is a shining city on a hill.; And the President is right. In many ways we are a shining city on a hill.But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this citys splendor and glory. A shining city is perhaps all the President sees from the portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well. But theres another city; theres another part to the shining the city; the part where some people cant pay their mortgages, and most young people cant afford one; where students cant afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but cant find it. Even worse: There are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there. And there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesnt show. There are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day. There is despair, Mr. President, in the faces that you dont see, in the places that you dont visit in your shining city.In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation -- Mr. President you ought to know that this nation is more a ;Tale of Two Cities; than it is just a ;Shining City on a Hill.;Maybe, maybe, Mr. President, if you visited some more places; maybe if you went to Appalachia where some people still live in sheds; maybe if you went to Lackawanna where thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel. Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President, if you stopped in at a shelter in Chicago and spoke to the homeless there; maybe, Mr. President, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children because you said you needed the money for a tax break for a millionaire or for a missile we couldnt afford to use.Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President. But Im afraid not.Because, the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, that this is how we were warned it would be. President Reagan told us from the very the beginning that he believed in a kind of social Darwinism. Survival of the fittest. ;Government cant do everything,; we were told. ;So it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest. Make the rich richer, and what falls from the table will be enough for the middle class and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle class.;You know, the Republicans called it ;trickle-down; when Hoover tried it. Now they call it ;supply side.; But its the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods. But for the people who are excluded, for the people who are locked out, all they can do is to stare from a distance at that citys glimmering towers.Its an old story. Its as old as our history. The difference between Democrats and Republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence. The Republicans -- The Republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail. ;The strong; -- ;The strong,; they tell us, ;will inherit the land.;We Democrats believe in something else. We democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact, and we have more than once. Ever since Franklin Roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon train after wagon train -- to new frontiers of education, housing, peace; the whole family aboard, constantly reaching out to extend and enlarge that family; lifting them up into the wagon on the way; blacks and Hispanics, and people of every ethnic group, and native Americans -- all those struggling to build their families and claim some small share of America. For nearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of comfort, and security, and dignity, even affluence. And remember this, some of us in this room today are here only because this nation had that kind of confidence. And it would be wrong to forget that.So, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children. Today our great Democratic Party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fascism, from racism, from corruption, is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from confusion and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust.Thats not going to be easy. Mo Udall is exactly right, it wont be easy. And in order to succeed, we must answer our opponents polished and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonableness and rationality.We must win this case on the merits. We must get the American public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship -- to the reality, the hard substance of things. And well do it not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound; not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that will bring people to their senses. We must make -- We must make the American people hear our ;Tale of Two Cities.; We must convince them that we dont have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city, indivisible, shining for all of its people.Now, we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babel of arguing voices. If thats whats heard throughout the campaign, dissident sounds from all sides, we will have no chance to tell our message. To succeed we will have to surrender some small parts of our individual interests, to build a platform that we can all stand on, at once, and comfortably -- proudly singing out. We need -- We need a platform we can all agree to so that we can sing out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so clear and commanding that no slick Madison Avenue commercial, no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth.And we Democrats must unite. We Democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite, because surely the Republicans wont bring this country together. Their policies divide the nation into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the rabble. The Republicans are willing to treat that division as victory. They would cut this nation in half, into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before, and they would call that division recovery.Now, we should not -- we should not be embarrassed or dismayed or chagrined if the process of unifying is difficult, even wrenching at times. Remember that, unlike any other Party, we embrace men and women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every economic class. In our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of Essex County in New York, to the enlightened affluent of the gold coasts at both ends of the nation. And in between is the heart of our constituency -- the middle class, the people not rich enough to be worry-free, but not poor enough to be on welfare; the middle class -- those people who work for a living because they have to, not because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity. White collar and blue collar. Young professionals. Men and women in small business desperate for the capital and contracts that they need to prove their worth.We speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream. We speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is America. We speak -- We speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule ;thou shalt not sin against equality,; a rule so simple ---- I was going to say, and I perhaps dare not but I will, its a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters: E.R.A.We speak -- We speak for young people demanding an education and a future. We speak for senior citizens -- We speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security, their Social Security,is being threatened. We speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity. And we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very existence from a macho intransigence that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemy. They refuse. They refuse, because they believe we can pile missiles so high that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submission.Now were proud of this diversity as Democrats. Were grateful for it. We dont have to manufacture it the way the Republicans will next month in Dallas, by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor. But we, while were proud of this diversity, we pay a price for it. The different people that we represent have different points of view. And sometimes they compete and even debate, and even argue. Thats what our primaries were all about. But now the primaries are over and it is time, when we pick our candidates and our platform here, to lock arms and move into this campaign together.If you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own difference aside to create this consensus, then all you need to do is to reflect on what the Republican policy of divide and cajole has done to this land since 1980. Now the President has asked the American people to judge him on whether or not hes fulfilled the promises he made four years ago. I believe, as Democrats, we ought to accept that challenge. And just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what hes done.Inflation -- Inflation is down since 1980, but not because of the supply-side miracle promised to us by the President. Inflation was reduced the old-fashioned way: with a recession, the worst since 1932. Now how did we -- We could have brought inflation down that way. How did he do it? 55,000 bankruptcies; two years of massive unemployment; 200,000 farmers and ranchers forced off the land; more homeless -- more homeless than at any time since the Great Depression in 1932; more hungry, in this world of enormous affluence, the ed States of America, more hungry; more poor, most of them women. And -- And he paid one more thing, a nearly 200 billion dollar deficit threatening our future.Now, we must make the American people understand this deficit because they dont. The Presidents deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise in 1980 to balance the budget by 1983. How large is it? The deficit is the largest in the history of the universe. It -- President Carters last budget had a deficit less than one-third of this deficit. It is a deficit that, according to the Presidents own fiscal adviser, may grow to as much 300 billion dollars a year for ;as far as the eye can see.; And, ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large -- that is almost one-half of the money we collect from the personal income tax each year goes just to pay the interest. It is a mortgage on our childrens future that can be paid only in pain and that could bring this nation to its knees.Now dont take my word for it -- Im a Democrat.Ask the Republican investment bankers on Wall Street what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are. You see, if theyre not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, theyll say that theyre appalled and frightened by the Presidents deficit. Ask them what they think of our economy, now that its been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition. Now were exporting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones. Ask those Republican investment bankers what they expect the rate of interest to be a year from now. And ask them -- if they dare tell you the truth -- youll learn from them, what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit.Now, how important is this question of the deficit.Think about it practically: What chance would the Republican candidate have had in 1980 if he had told the American people that he intended to pay for his so-called economic recovery with bankruptcies, unemployment, more homeless, more hungry, and the largest government debt known to humankind? If he had told the voters in 1980 that truth, would American voters have signed the loan certificate for him on Election Day? Of course not! That was an election won under false pretenses. It was won with smoke and mirrors and illusions. And thats the kind of recovery we have now as well.But what about foreign policy? They said that they would make us and the whole world safer. They say they have. By creating the largest defense budget in history, one that even they now admit is excessive -- by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race; by incendiary rhetoric; by refusing to discuss peace with our enemies; by the loss of 279 young Americans in Lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe.We give money to Latin American governments that murder nuns, and then we lie about it. We have been less than zealous in support of our only real friend -- it seems to me, in the Middle East -- the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of Israel. Our -- Our policy -- Our foreign policy drifts with no real direction, other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race that leads nowhere -- if were lucky. And if were not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.Of course we must have a strong defense! Of course Democrats are for a strong defense. Of course Democrats believe that there are times that we must stand and fight. And we have. Thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives. But always -- when this country has been at its best -- our purposes were clear. Now theyre not. Now our allies are as confused as our enemies. Now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals -- not to human rights, not to the refuseniks, not to Sakharov, not to Bishop Tutu and the others struggling for freedom in South Africa.We -- We have in the last few years spent more than we can afford. We have pounded our chests and made bold speeches. But we lost 279 young Americans in Lebanon and we live behind sand bags in Washington. How can anyone say that we are safer, stronger, or better?That -- That is the Republican record. That its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the American people I can only attribute to the Presidents amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product.And, now -- now -- now its up to us. Now its now up to you and me to make the case to America. And to remind Americans that if they are not happy with all that the President has done so far, they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained. Unrestrained.Now, if -- if July -- if July brings back Ann Gorsuch Burford -- what can we expect of December? Where would -- Where would another four years take us? Where would four years more take us? How much larger will the deficit be? How much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle class and the poor to limit that deficit? How high will the interest rates be? How much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes?And, ladies and gentlemen, please think of this -- the nation must think of this: What kind of Supreme Court will we have?Please [beckons audience to settle down].We -- We must ask ourselves what kind of court and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate peoples religion and morality; the man who believes that trees pollute the environment; the man that believes that -- that the laws against discrimination against people go too far; a man who threatens Social Security and Medicaid and help for the disabled. How high will we pile the missiles? How much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies? And, ladies and gentlemen, will four years more make meaner the spirit of the American people?This election will measure the record of the past four years. But more than that, it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be.We Democrats still have a dream. We still believe in this nations future. And this is our answer to the question. This is our credo:We believe in only the government we need but we insist on all the government we need.We believe in a government that is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reasonableness that goes beyond labels, that doesnt distort or promise to do things that we know we cant do.We believe in a government strong enough to use words like ;love; and ;compassion; and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities.We believe in encouraging the talented, but we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the process of evolution, a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.We -- Our -- Our government -- Our government should be able to rise to the level where it can fill the gaps that are left by chance or by a wisdom we dont fully understand. We would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the ;worlds most sincere Democrat,; St. Francis of Assisi, than laws written by Darwin.We believe -- We believe as Democrats, that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the worlds history, one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle class in its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homeless, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute. And we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death.We believe in firm -- We believe in firm but fair law and order.We believe proudly in the union movement.We believe -- We believe in privacy for people, openness by government.We believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights.We believe in a single -- We believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most textbooks and any speech that I could write what a proper government should be: the idea of family, mutuality, the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all, feeling one anothers pain, sharing one anothers blessings -- reasonably, honestly, fairly, without respect to race, or sex, or geography, or political affiliation.We believe we must be the family of America, recognizing that at the heart of the matter we are bound one to another, that the problems of a retired school teacher in Duluth are our problems; that the future of the child -- that the future of the child in Buffalo is our future; that the struggle of a disabled man in Boston to survive, and live decently, is our struggle; that the hunger of a woman in Little Rock is our hunger; that the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might, to avoid pain, is our failure.Now for 50 years -- for 50 years we Democrats created a better future for our children, using traditional Democratic principles as a fixed beacon, giving us direction and purpose, but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities: Roosevelts alphabet programs; Trumans NATO and the GI Bill of Rights; Kennedys intelligent tax incentives and the Alliance for Progress; Johnsons civil rights; Carters human rights and the nearly miraculous Camp David Peace Accord.Democrats did it -- Democrats did it and Democrats can do it again. We can build a future that deals with our deficit. Remember this, that 50 years of progress under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have. And, we can deal with the deficit intelligently, by shared sacrifice, with all parts of the nations family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector, providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people. We can have a future that provides for all the young of the present, by marrying common sense and compassion.We know we can, because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980. And we can do it again, if we do not forget -- if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progressive principles; that they helped lift up generations to the middle class and higher; that they gave us a chance to work, to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age and, before that, to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of.That struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city. And its a story, ladies and gentlemen, that I didnt in a book, or learn in a classroom. I saw it and lived it, like many of you. I watched a small man with thick calluses on both his hands work 15 and 16 hours a day. I saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak the language, who taught me all I needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his example. I learned about our kind of democracy from my father. And, I learned about our obligation to each other from him and from my mother. They asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children, and they -- they asked to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to protect themselves. This nation and this nations government did that for them.And that they were able to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children go from behind their little grocery store in South Jamaica on the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat, in the greatest State, in the greatest nation, in the only world we would know, is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process.And -- And ladies and gentlemen, on January 20, 1985, it will happen again -- only on a much, much grander scale. We will have a new President of the ed States, a Democrat born not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants. And we will have Americas first woman Vice President, the child of immigrants, and she -- she -- she will open with one magnificent stroke, a whole new frontier for the ed States.Now, it will happen. It will happen if we make it happen; if you and I make it happen. And I ask you now, ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters, for the good of all of us, for the love of this great nation, for the family of America, for the love of God: Please, make this nation remember how futures are built.Thank you and God bless you. /201205/182101。
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