原标题: 本溪尿道炎的检查泡泡生活
President Obama to America's Governors: "The Flexibility That You Need to Find Your Own Innovative Ways Forward"Download Video: mp4 (282MB) | mp3 (27MB) This morning the President amp; Vice President addressed America's Governors, following the First Lady and Dr. Biden. They touched on topics ranging from rebuilding America's infrastructure to the changes in the health care law that the President endorsed, which would move the date up to 2014 when states could establish their own alternate systems outside the Affordable Care Act provided they can achieve the same results. 201103/127166Out-Innovating, Out-Educating amp; Out-Building Our CompetitorsThe President discusses his visit to a company in Manitowoc, Wisconsin and how it exemplified his agenda for America to “win the future” spelled out in the State of the Union AddressDownload Video: mp4 (125MB) | mp3 (3MB) 201101/124690In our whole system,national and State,在我们的整个体系中,无论是国家的还是州立的,we have shunned all the defects which unceasingly preyed on the vitals and destroyed the ancient Republics.我们已避免了所有那些不停地危及利害,颠覆古代共和国的缺陷。In them there were distinct orders,a nobility and a people,它们中有明显的不同制度:或是一个贵族和一个民众,or the people governed in one assembly.或是由一个议会来管理民众。Thus,in the one instance there was a perpetual conflict between the orders in society for the ascendency,这样,在一个情况下社会的各阶级之间存在着无休止的冲突,in which the victory of either terminated in the overthrow of the government and the ruin of the state;其中任何一方的胜利都会造成推翻政府和国家覆亡;in the other,in which the people governed in a body,而在另一个情况下,人民由一个政体来统治,and whose dominions seldom exceeded the dimensions of a county in one of our States,而且其领土极少超过我们某个州的一个县的大小,a tumultuous and disorderly movement permitted only a transitory existence.喧闹而混乱的运动只允许一个短暂的生存。In this great nation there is but one order,that of the people,whose power,在我们这一伟大的国家只有一个制度,人民的制度;by a peculiarly happy improvement of the representative principle,is transferred from them,通过一个对代表制度非常完善的改进,按自由,开明,高效的政府的需要。without impairing in the slightest degree their sovereignty,to bodies of their own creation,他们的权利完全地被转移到他们自己所创立的多个政体,and to persons elected by themselves,in the full extent necessary for all the purposes of free,enlightened and efficient government.和他们选出的人员中,而没有丝毫损害他们的主权。The whole system is elective,the complete sovereignty being in the people,整个体制以选举为基础,主权彻底属于人民,and every officer in every department deriving his authority from and being responsible to them for his conduct.而且每个部门的每个官员的权力都来自于他们,并要对他们负责其行为举止。Our career has correspond with this great outline.我们的事业和这一宏伟的大纲相一致。Perfection in our organization could not have been expected in the outset either in the National or State Governments or in tracing the line between their respective powers.不能期望一开始在国家或州立的政府中,或是在它们各自权力之间的界线追溯中就完善我们的组织。But no serious conflict has arisen,nor any contest but such as are managed by argument and by a fair appeal to the good sense of the people,但是,我们没有严重的冲突,也没有任何纷争;而且这些可通过辨论处理,也通过公正地求助于民众的理智来解决。and many of the defects which experience had clearly demonstrated in both Governments have been remedied,并且我们也医治了许多以往经历中以上两种政府所显示出的缺点。By steadily pursuing this course in this spirit there is every reason to believe that our system will soon attain the highest degree of perfection of which human institutions are capable,通过坚定地以此精神实行此路线,我们完全有理由相信,我们的体制将很快达到人类机构所可能达到的最高程度的完善,and that the movement in all its branches will exhibit such a degree of order and harmony as to command the admiration and respect of the civilized world.并且,其所有分部的发展将展示一定程度的条理和谐调,以致引来文明世界的羡慕和尊敬。Entering with these views the office which I have just solemnly sworn to execute with fidelity and to the utmost of my ability,带着这些想法,即将进入我刚庄严宣誓要以忠心并尽我所能来履行的职责,I derive great satisfaction from a knowledge that I shall be assisted in the several Departments by the very enlightened and upright citizens from whom I have received so much aid in the preceding term.我因确信我将在多个部门中得到一组非常开明和正直的公民的辅助而感到非常满意。我的前任已给了我很多帮助。With full confidence in the continuance of that candor and generous indulgence from my fellow citizens at large which I have heretofore experienced,完全相信我至今为止所受到的同胞们普遍的坦诚和慷慨宽容会延续下去,and with a firm reliance on the protection of Almighty God.并坚定地依靠全能上帝的保护,I shall forthwith commence the duties of the high trust to which you have called me.现在我就将开始你们召唤我上任的被赋予如此高度信任的职务。01/436176

[Nextpage视频演讲]The President speaks about the importance of personal responsibility and giving back to the community as he delivers the commencement address at Kalamazoo Central High School in Kalamazoo, MI. The school was the winner of the 2010 Race to the Top High School Commencement ChallengeDownload Video: mp4 (254MB) | mp3 (25MB) [Nextpage演讲文本1]【Part 1】Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. Please be seated. Hello, Giants. (Applause.) It is good -- it is good to be here, and congratulations Class of 2010. (Applause.) I am honored to be part of this special occasion.AUDIENCE MEMBER: We love you!THE PRESIDENT: And I love you back. (Applause.) Let me acknowledge your extraordinary governor, Jennifer Granholm. (Applause.) Superintendent Rice, thank you for your inspiring words. (Applause.) Your mayor, Bobby Hopewell, who I understand is a proud Kalamazoo graduate himself. (Applause.) Thanks to Principal Washington for -- (applause) -- not just for the warm introduction, but for his enthusiasm and his energy and his leadership and his nice singing voice. (Laughter.) Thank you. To all the trustees, to the alumni, to the parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins -- everybody who’s been a part of this extraordinary place. (Applause.) And I want to recognize our student speakers. Cindy, who embodies the best of our traditions in this country -- arrived three or four years ago and graduates as the valedictorian -- this is what is continually replenishing the energy and the dynamism and the innovation of this country, and we could not be prouder of you. Thank you. (Applause.) And to Simon, I’m glad that, according to the Constitution, you can’t run till you’re 35. (Laughter and applause.) So I’ll be long gone by then. (Laughter.) But it gives me great confidence to know that we’ve got such incredible young leaders who are going to be remaking the world in so many different ways.Now, recently, an article from your local paper, the Kalamazoo Gazette -- (applause) -- was brought to my attention. And it ran just after this school had been chosen as one of the six finalists in our Race to the Top Commencement Challenge. And for those who aren’t aware of it, this is a contest to highlight schools that promote academic excellence, personal responsibility and that best prepare students for college and careers. And this article in the Gazette ed a young lady named Kelsey Wilson -- (applause.) Where is -- is Kelsey here? She right over there? (Applause.) Anyway --AUDIENCE MEMBERS: She’s here.THE PRESIDENT: She’s over there? Hey, Kelsey. How are you? (Laughter.)[Nextpage演讲文本2]【Part 2】So Kelsey was ed as saying, “We’re the kind of school that never gets credit for what we do. And our school is amazing.” This is what Kelsey said, “Our school is amazing.”Well, Kelsey, Class of 2010, members of the Kalamazoo community, I’m here tonight because after three rounds of competition, with more than a thousand schools, and more than 170,000 votes cast, I know -- and America knows -- what you’ve done at Kalamazoo Central. You are amazing! (Applause.) We know. We know. (Applause.) Our amazing Secretary of Education Arne Duncan knows. (Applause.) Folks in Washington know, folks across the country know, and hopefully after tonight, everybody knows. Now, together as a community, you’ve embraced the motto of this school district: “Every child, every opportunity, every time.” (Applause.) Every time. Every child, every opportunity, every time, because you believe, like I do, that every young person, every child -- regardless of what they look like, where they come from, how much money their parents have -- every child who walks through your schoolhouse doors deserves a quality education. No exceptions. (Applause.)And I’m here tonight because I think that America has a lot to learn from Kalamazoo Central about what makes for a successful school in this new century. (Applause.) You’ve got educators raising standards and then inspiring their students to meet them. You’ve got community members who are stepping up as tutors and mentors and coaches. You got parents who are taking an active interest in their child’s education -- attending those teacher conferences, yes, turning off the TV once in a while, making sure homework gets done. Arne Duncan is here tonight because these are the values, these are the changes that he’s encouraging in every school in this nation. It’s the key to our future.But the most important ingredient is you: students who raised your sights, who aimed high, who invested yourselves in your own success. It’s no accident that so many of you have received college admissions letters, Class of 2010. That didn’t happen by accident. It happened because you worked for it. As the superintendent said, you earned it.So, Kelsey, I agree with you. What you’ve done here at Kalamazoo Central is amazing. (Applause.) I am proud of you. Your parents are proud of you. Your teachers, your principal -- we’re all incredibly proud.[Nextpage演讲文本3]【Part 3】Now, graduates, all these folks around you, I have to say, though, with the cameras and the beaming smiles -- they’ve worked hard to give you everything you need to pursue your dreams and fulfill your God-given talent. Unfortunately, you can’t take them with you when you leave here. (Laughter.) No one is going to go follow you around making sure that you’re getting to class on time, making sure you’re doing your work. Nobody is going to be doing that for you. Going forward, that’s all on you -- responsibility for your success is squarely on your shoulders. And the question I have for you today is this: What is each -- what are each of you going to do to meet that responsibility? Now, right now you’re getting plenty of advice from everybody. Some of it’s helpful. (Laughter.) And so I hate to pile on with advice. But while I’m here -- (laughter) -- what the heck. (Laughter.) I figure I should offer a few thoughts based on my own experiences, but also based on my hopes for all of you, and for our country, in the years ahead.First, understand that your success in life won’t be determined just by what’s given to you, or what happens to you, but by what you do with all that’s given to you; what you do with all that happens to you; how hard you try; how far you push yourself; how high you’re willing to reach. True excellence only comes with perseverance. This wasn’t something I really understood when I was back your age. My father, some of you know, left my family when I was two years old. I was raised by a single mom and my grandparents. (Applause.) And sometimes I had a tendency to goof off. As my mother put it, I had a tendency sometimes to act a bit casual about my future. (Laughter.) Sometimes I was rebellious. Sometimes I partied a little too much. (Applause.) Oh, yes, yes, this is a cautionary tale. (Laughter.) Don’t be cheering when I say that. (Laughter.) Studied just enough to get by. I thought hard work, responsibility, that’s old-fashioned. That’s just people want to tell me what to do. But after a few years, after I was living solely on my own and I realized that living solely for my own entertainment wasn’t so entertaining anymore, that it wasn’t particularly satisfying anymore, that I didn’t seem to be making much of a ripple in the world, I started to change my tune. I realized that by refusing to apply myself, there was nothing I could point to that I was proud of that would last. [Nextpage演讲文本4]【Part 4】Now, you come of an age in a popular culture that actually reinforces this approach to life. You watch TV, and basically what it says is you can be rich and successful without much effort; you just have to become a celebrity. (Laughter.) If you can achieve some reality TV notoriety, that’s better than lasting achievement. We live in a culture that tells you there’s a quick fix for every problem and a justification for every selfish desire. And all of you were raised with cell phones and iPods, and texting and emails, and you’re able to call up a fact, or a song, or a friend with the click of a button. So you’re used to instant gratification.But meaningful achievement, lasting success -- it doesn’t happen in an instant. It’s not about luck, it’s not about a sudden stroke of genius. It’s not usually about talent. It’s usually about daily effort, the large choices and the small choices that you make that add up over time. It’s about the skills you build, and the knowledge you accumulate, and the energy you invest in every task, no matter how trivial or menial it may seem at the time. You’ve got an alum who plays for the Yankees, I hear. He’s supposed to be pretty good. (Applause.) Now, Derek Jeter wasn’t born playing shortstop for the Yankees. He got there through years of effort. And his high school baseball coach once remarked, “I’m surprised he still doesn’t have blisters and that I don’t have the blisters on my hands from hitting ground balls just for Derek.” He always wanted more: ‘How about one more turn in the batting cage? Or 25 more ground balls?’”Thomas Edison tested more than 6,000 different materials for just one tiny part of the light bulb that he invented. Think about that -- 6,000 tests. J.K. Rowling’s first Harry Potter book was rejected 12 times before it was finally published. Mozart was a musical prodigy, but he practiced for hours each day -- accumulating thousands of hours at the piano by the time he was just six years old. I understand that your boys’ basketball team did pretty good. (Applause.) First state champions for the first time in 59 years. That didn’t happen by accident. They put in work. They put in effort.So, today, you all have a rare and valuable chance to pursue your own passions, chase your own dreams without incurring a mountain of debt. What an incredible gift. So you’ve got no excuse for giving anything less than your best effort. (Applause.) No excuses. [Nextpage演讲文本5]【Part 5】That’s my second piece of advice, very simple: Don’t make excuses. Take responsibility not just for your successes; take responsibility where you fall short as well. Now, the truth is, no matter how hard you work, you’re not going to ace every class -- well, maybe Cindy will, but -- (laughter.) But you’re not going to ace every class. You’re not going to succeed the first time you try something. There are going to be times when you screw up. There will be times where you hurt people you love. There will be times where you make a mistake and you stray from the values that you hold most deeply. And when that happens, it’s the easiest thing in the world to start looking around for somebody else to blame. Your professor was too hard; your boss was a jerk; the coaches -- was playing favorites; your friend just didn’t understand. Your wife -- oh, no. (Laughter.) I’m just messing with Michelle right there. (Laughter.) That was all in fun. (Laughter.) No, but this is an easy habit to get into. You see it every day in Washington -- every day -- folks calling each other names, making all sorts of accusations on television. Everybody is always pointing a finger at somebody else. You notice that? Now, this community could have easily gone down that road. This community could have made excuses -- well, our kids have fewer advantages, our schools have fewer resources -- how can we compete? You could have spent years pointing fingers -- blaming parents, blaming teachers, blaming the principal, blaming the superintendent, blaming the President. (Laughter and applause.) But that’s -- Class of 2010, I want you to pay attention on this because that’s not what happened. Instead, this community was honest with itself about where you were falling short. You resolved to do better, push your kids harder, open their minds wider, expose them to all kinds of ideas and people and experiences. So, graduates, I hope you’ll continue those efforts. Don’t make excuses. And I hope that wherever you go, you won’t narrow the broad intellectual and social exposure you’ve had here at Kalamazoo Central -- instead, seek to expand it. Don’t just hang out with people who look like you, or go to the same church you do, or share your political views. Broaden your circle to include people with different backgrounds and life experiences. Because that’s how you’ll end up learning what it’s like to walk in somebody else’s shoes. (Applause.) That’s how you’ll come to understand the challenges other people face. And this is not just an academic exercise. It’s a way to broaden your ambit of concern and learn to see yourselves in each other. Which brings me to my final piece of advice for today, and that’s to give back, to be part of something bigger than yourselves. Hitch your wagon to something that is bigger than yourselves.I know that so many of you have aly served your community through efforts like your Stuff the Bus food drives and groups like Activists for Action. And I commend you for that. (Applause.)[Nextpage演讲文本6]【Part 6】But I also know that many of you are the first in your family to go to college. And right about now, you may be feeling all the weight of their hopes and expectations coming down on your shoulders. And once you start juggling those classes and activities and that campus job, and you get caught up in your own dreams and your own anxieties and dating -- (laughter) -- you may feel like you’ve got enough on your plate just dealing with your own life. It might be easier to turn the channel when the news disturbs you, to avert your eyes when you pass that homeless man on the street, to tell yourself that other people’s problems really aren’t your responsibility.But just think about what the consequence of that approach to life would have been if that’s how folks had acted here in this community. What if those Kalamazoo Promise donors had said to themselves, “Well, you know what, I can pay for my own kid’s education. Why should I have to pay for somebody else’s?” Think about the consequences for our country. What if our Founding Fathers had said, “You know, colonialism is kind of oppressive, but I’m doing okay, my family’s doing all right, why should I spend my summer in Philadelphia arguing about a Constitution?” What if those abolitionists, those civil right workers had said, “You know, slavery is wrong, segregation is wrong, but it’s kind of dangerous to get mixed up in that stuff. I don’t have time for all those meetings and marches. I think I’m going to take a pass. I hope it works out, but that’s not something I want to do.” I want you to think for a minute about the extraordinary men and women who’ve worn our country’s uniform and have given their last full measure of devotion to keep us safe and free. (Applause.) What if they said -- what if they said, “I really do love this country, but why should I sacrifice so much for people I’ve never even met?” Young men and women in uniform right now making those sacrifices. (Applause.) So you and I are here today because those people made a different choice. They chose to step up. They chose to serve. And I hope you will follow their example, because there is work to be done, and your country needs you. We’ve got an economy to rebuild. We’ve got children to educate. We’ve got diseases to cure. We’ve got threats to face. We’ve got an oil spill to clean up. (Applause.) We’ve got clean energy to discover. And it is going to be up to you to meet all of those challenges -- to build industries and make discoveries and inspire the next generation. It’s going to be up to you to heal the divide that continues to afflict our world. Now, I’m not saying you got to do it here all at once. But as Theodore Roosevelt once put it, I’m asking you to “Do what you can, with what you’ve got, where you are.” And I can guarantee that wherever your journey takes you, there are going to be children who need mentors and senior citizens who need assistance, folks down on their luck who could use a helping hand. And once you’ve reached out and formed those connections, you’ll find it’s a little harder to numb yourself to other people’s suffering. It’s a little harder to ignore the national debates about the issues that affect their lives and yours.In the end, service binds us to each other -- and to our communities and our country -- in a way that nothing else can. It’s how we become more fully American. That’s the reason those donors created the Kalamazoo Promise in the first place -- not for recognition or reward, but because of their connection to this community; because their belief in your potential; because their faith that you would use this gift not just to enrich your own lives, but the lives of others and the life of the nation. (Applause.) And I’m told that soon after the Promise was established, a first grader approached the superintendent at the time and declared to her: “I’m going to college.” First grader. “I’m going to college. I don’t know what it is, but I’m going.” (Laughter and applause.) We may never know those donors’ names, but we know how they helped bring this community together and how you’ve embraced their Promise not just as a gift to be appreciated, but a responsibility to be fulfilled. We know how they have helped inspire an entire generation of young people here in Kalamazoo to imagine a different future for themselves. And graduates, today, I’m asking you to pay them back by seeking to have the same kind of impact with your own lives; by pursuing excellence in everything you do; by serving this country that you love. (Applause.)I know that you can do it. After all, you are the Giants -- (applause) -- and with the education you’ve gotten here, there’s nothing you can’t do. Thank you very much, everybody. God bless you. And God bless the ed States of America. (Applause.) And God bless the Class of 2010. (Applause.)END201006/105752}Download Video: mp4 (118MB) | mp3 (12MB) PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good morning. Mr. Secretary General, on behalf of us all, thank you for convening this meeting to address a task that must be the work of all of us -- supporting the people of Libya as they build a future that is free and democratic and prosperous. And I want to thank President Jalil for his remarks and for all that he and Prime Minister Jibril have done to help Libya reach this moment.To all the heads of state, to all the countries represented here who have done so much over the past several months to ensure this day could come, I want to say thank you, as well.Today, the Libyan people are writing a new chapter in the life of their nation. After four decades of darkness, they can walk the streets, free from a tyrant. They are making their voices heard -- in new newspapers, and on radio and television, in public squares and on personal blogs. They’re launching political parties and civil groups to shape their own destiny and secure their universal rights. And here at the ed Nations, the new flag of a free Libya now flies among the community of nations.Make no mistake -- credit for the liberation of Libya belongs to the people of Libya. It was Libyan men and women -- and children -- who took to the streets in peaceful protest, who faced down the tanks and endured the snipers’ bullets. It was Libyan fighters, often outgunned and outnumbered, who fought pitched battles, town-by-town, block-by-block. It was Libyan activists -- in the underground, in chat rooms, in mosques -- who kept a revolution alive, even after some of the world had given up hope.It was Libyan women and girls who hung flags and smuggled weapons to the front. It was Libyans from countries around the world, including my own, who rushed home to help, even though they, too, risked brutality and death. It was Libyan blood that was spilled and Libya’s sons and daughters who gave their lives. And on that August day -- after all that sacrifice, after 42 long years -- it was Libyans who pushed their dictator from power.At the same time, Libya is a lesson in what the international community can achieve when we stand together as one. I said at the beginning of this process, we cannot and should not intervene every time there is an injustice in the world. Yet it’s also true that there are times where the world could have and should have summoned the will to prevent the killing of innocents on a horrific scale. And we are forever haunted by the atrocities that we did not prevent, and the lives that we did not save. But this time was different. This time, we, through the ed Nations, found the courage and the collective will to act.When the old regime unleashed a campaign of terror, threatening to roll back the democratic tide sweeping the region, we acted as united nations, and we acted swiftly -- broadening sanctions, imposing an arms embargo. The ed States led the effort to pass a historic resolution at the Security Council authorizing "all necessary measures" to protect the Libyan people. And when the civilians of Benghazi were threatened with a massacre, we exercised that authority. Our international coalition stopped the regime in its tracks, and saved countless lives, and gave the Libyan people the time and the space to prevail.Important, too, is how this effort succeeded -- thanks to the leadership and contributions of many countries. The ed States was proud to play a decisive role, especially in the early days, and then in a supporting capacity. But let’s remember that it was the Arab League that appealed for action. It was the world’s most effective alliance, NATO, that’s led a military coalition of nearly 20 nations. It’s our European allies -- especially the ed Kingdom and France and Denmark and Norway -- that conducted the vast majority of air strikes protecting rebels on the ground. It was Arab states who joined the coalition, as equal partners. And it’s been the ed Nations and neighboring countries -- including Tunisia and Egypt -- that have cared for the Libyans in the urgent humanitarian effort that continues today.This is how the international community should work in the 21st century -- more nations bearing the responsibility and the costs of meeting global challenges. In fact, this is the very purpose of this ed Nations. So every nation represented here today can take pride in the innocent lives we saved and in helping Libyans reclaim their country. It was the right thing to do.Now, even as we speak, remnants of the old regime continue to fight. Difficult days are still ahead. But one thing is clear -- the future of Libya is now in the hands of the Libyan people. For just as it was Libyans who tore down the old order, it will be Libyans who build their new nation. And we’ve come here today to say to the people of Libya -- just as the world stood by you in your struggle to be free, we will now stand with you in your struggle to realize the peace and prosperity that freedom can bring.In this effort, you will have a friend and partner in the ed States of America. Today, I can announce that our ambassador is on his way back to Tripoli. And this week, the American flag that was lowered before our embassy was attacked will be raised again, over a re-opened American embassy. We will work closely with the new U.N. Support Mission in Libya and with the nations here today to assist the Libyan people in the hard work ahead.First, and most immediately: security. So long as the Libyan people are being threatened, the NATO-led mission to protect them will continue. And those still holding out must understand -- the old regime is over, and it is time to lay down your arms and join the new Libya. As this happens, the world must also support efforts to secure dangerous weapons -- conventional and otherwise -- and bring fighters under central, civilian control. For without security, democracy and trade and investment cannot flourish.Second: the humanitarian effort. The Transitional National Council has been working quickly to restore water and electricity and food supplies to Tripoli. But for many Libyans, each day is still a struggle -- to recover from their wounds, reunite with their families, and return to their homes. And even after the guns of war fall silent, the ravages of war will continue. So our efforts to assist its victims must continue. In this, the ed States -- the ed Nations will play a key role. And along with our partners, the ed States will do our part to help the hungry and the wounded.Third: a democratic transition that is peaceful, inclusive and just. President Jalil has just reaffirmed the Transitional National Council’s commitment to these principles, and the ed Nations will play a central role in coordinating international support for this effort. We all know what is needed -- a transition that is timely, new laws and a constitution that uphold the rule of law, political parties and a strong civil society, and, for the first time in Libyan history, free and fair elections.True democracy, however, must flow from its citizens. So as Libyans rightly seek justice for past crimes, let it be done in a spirit of reconciliation, and not reprisals and violence. As Libyans draw strength from their faith -- a religion rooted in peace and tolerance -- let there be a rejection of violent extremism, which offers nothing but death and destruction. As Libyans rebuild, let those efforts tap the experience of all those with the skills to contribute, including the many Africans in Libya. And as Libyans forge a society that is truly just, let it enshrine the rights and role of women at all levels of society. For we know that the nations that uphold the human rights of all people, especially their women, are ultimately more successful and more prosperous.Which brings me to the final area where the world must stand with Libya, and that is restoring prosperity. For too long, Libya’s vast riches were stolen and squandered. Now that wealth must serve its rightful owners -- the Libyan people. As sanctions are lifted, as the ed States and the international community unfreeze more Libyan assets, and as the country's oil production is restored, the Libyan people deserve a government that is transparent and accountable. And bound by the Libyan students and entrepreneurs who have forged friendships in the ed States, we intend to build new partnerships to help unleash Libya’s extraordinary potential.Now, none of this will be easy. After decades of iron rule by one man, it will take time to build the institutions needed for a democratic Libya. I’m sure there will be days of frustration; there will be days when progress is slow; there will be days when some begin to wish for the old order and its illusion of stability. And some in the world may ask, can Libya succeed? But if we have learned anything these many months, it is this: Don’t underestimate the aspirations and the will of the Libyan people.So I want to conclude by speaking directly to the people of Libya. Your task may be new, the journey ahead may be fraught with difficulty, but everything you need to build your future aly beats in the heart of your nation. It’s the same courage you summoned on that first February day; the same resilience that brought you back out the next day and the next, even as you lost family and friends; and the same unshakeable determination with which you liberated Benghazi, broke the siege of Misurata, and have fought through the coastal plain and the western mountains.It’s the same unwavering conviction that said, there’s no turning back; our sons and daughters deserve to be free.In the days after Tripoli fell, people rejoiced in the streets and pondered the role ahead, and one of those Libyans said, “We have this chance now to do something good for our country, a chance we have dreamed of for so long.” So, to the Libyan people, this is your chance. And today the world is saying, with one unmistakable voice, we will stand with you as you seize this moment of promise, as you reach for the freedom, the dignity, and the opportunity that you deserve.So, congratulations. And thank you very much. (Applause.)201109/154628Malcolm XMessage To The Grass Rootsdelivered on 10 Nov, 1963 in Detroit, MI[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]...And during the few moments that we have left, we want to have just an off-the-cuff chat between you and me -- us. We want to talk right down to earth in a language that everybody here can easily understand. We all agree tonight, all of the speakers have agreed, that America has a very serious problem. Not only does America have a very serious problem, but our people have a very serious problem. America's problem is us. We're her problem. The only reason she has a problem is she doesn't want us here. And every time you look at yourself, be you black, brown, red, or yellow -- a so-called Negro -- you represent a person who poses such a serious problem for America because you're not wanted. Once you face this as a fact, then you can start plotting a course that will make you appear intelligent, instead of unintelligent.What you and I need to do is learn to forget our differences. When we come together, we don't come together as Baptists or Methodists. You don't catch hell 'cause you're a Baptist, and you don't catch hell 'cause you're a Methodist. You don't catch hell 'cause you're a Methodist or Baptist. You don't catch hell because you're a Democrat or a Republican. You don't catch hell because you're a Mason or an Elk. And you sure don't catch hell 'cause you're an American; 'cause if you was an American, you wouldn't catch no hell. You catch hell 'cause you're a black man. You catch hell, all of us catch hell, for the same reason.So we are all black people, so-called Negroes, second-class citizens, ex-slaves. You are nothing but a [sic] ex-slave. You don't like to be told that. But what else are you? You are ex-slaves. You didn't come here on the "Mayflower." You came here on a slave ship -- in chains, like a horse, or a cow, or a chicken. And you were brought here by the people who came here on the "Mayflower." You were brought here by the so-called Pilgrims, or Founding Fathers. They were the ones who brought you here.We have a common enemy. We have this in common: We have a common oppressor, a common exploiter, and a common discriminator. But once we all realize that we have this common enemy, then we unite on the basis of what we have in common. And what we have foremost in common is that enemy -- the white man. He's an enemy to all of us. I know some of you all think that some of them aren't enemies. Time will tell.In Bandung back in, I think, 1954, was the first unity meeting in centuries of black people. And once you study what happened at the Bandung conference, and the results of the Bandung conference, it actually serves as a model for the same procedure you and I can use to get our problems solved. At Bandung all the nations came together. Their were dark nations from Africa and Asia. Some of them were Buddhists. Some of them were Muslim. Some of them were Christians. Some of them were Confucianists; some were atheists. Despite their religious differences, they came together. Some were communists; some were socialists; some were capitalists. Despite their economic and political differences, they came together. All of them were black, brown, red, or yellow. The number-one thing that was not allowed to attend the Bandung conference was the white man. He couldn't come. Once they excluded the white man, they found that they could get together. Once they kept him out, everybody else fell right in and fell in line. This is the thing that you and I have to understand. And these people who came together didn't have nuclear weapons; they didn't have jet planes; they didn't have all of the heavy armaments that the white man has. But they had unity.They were able to submerge their little petty differences and agree on one thing: That though one African came from Kenya and was being colonized by the Englishman, and another African came from the Congo and was being colonized by the Belgian, and another African came from Guinea and was being colonized by the French, and another came from Angola and was being colonized by the Portuguese. When they came to the Bandung conference, they looked at the Portuguese, and at the Frenchman, and at the Englishman, and at the other -- Dutchman -- and learned or realized that the one thing that all of them had in common: they were all from Europe, they were all Europeans, blond, blue-eyed and white-skinned. They began to recognize who their enemy was. The same man that was colonizing our people in Kenya was colonizing our people in the Congo. The same one in the Congo was colonizing our people in South Africa, and in Southern Rhodesia, and in Burma, and in India, and in Afghanistan, and in Pakistan. They realized all over the world where the dark man was being oppressed, he was being oppressed by the white man; where the dark man was being exploited, he was being exploited by the white man. So they got together under this basis -- that they had a common enemy. And when you and I here in Detroit and in Michigan and in America who have been awakened today look around us, we too realize here in America we all have a common enemy, whether he's in Georgia or Michigan, whether he's in California or New York. He's the same man: blue eyes and blond hair and pale skin -- same man. So what we have to do is what they did. They agreed to stop quarreling among themselves. Any little spat that they had, they'd settle it among themselves, go into a huddle -- don't let the enemy know that you got [sic] a disagreement.Instead of us airing our differences in public, we have to realize we're all the same family. And when you have a family squabble, you don't get out on the sidewalk. If you do, everybody calls you uncouth, unrefined, uncivilized, savage. If you don't make it at home, you settle it at home; you get in the closet -- argue it out behind closed doors. And then when you come out on the street, you pose a common front, a united front. And this is what we need to do in the community, and in the city, and in the state. We need to stop airing our differences in front of the white man. Put the white man out of our meetings, number one, and then sit down and talk shop with each other. [That's] all you gotta do.I would like to make a few comments concerning the difference between the black revolution and the Negro revolution. There's a difference. Are they both the same? And if they're not, what is the difference? What is the difference between a black revolution and a Negro revolution? First, what is a revolution? Sometimes I'm inclined to believe that many of our people are using this word "revolution" loosely, without taking careful consideration [of] what this word actually means, and what its historic characteristics are. When you study the historic nature of revolutions, the motive of a revolution, the objective of a revolution, and the result of a revolution, and the methods used in a revolution, you may change words. You may devise another program. You may change your goal and you may change your mind.Look at the American Revolution in 1776. That revolution was for what? For land. Why did they want land? Independence. How was it carried out? Bloodshed. Number one, it was based on land, the basis of independence. And the only way they could get it was bloodshed. The French Revolution -- what was it based on? The land-less against the landlord. What was it for? Land. How did they get it? Bloodshed. Was no love lost; was no compromise; was no negotiation. I'm telling you, you don't know what a revolution is. 'Cause when you find out what it is, you'll get back in the alley; you'll get out of the way. The Russian Revolution -- what was it based on? Land. The land-less against the landlord. How did they bring it about? Bloodshed. You haven't got a revolution that doesn't involve bloodshed. And you're afraid to bleed. I said, you're afraid to bleed.[As] long as the white man sent you to Korea, you bled. He sent you to Germany, you bled. He sent you to the South Pacific to fight the Japanese, you bled. You bleed for white people. But when it comes time to seeing your own churches being bombed and little black girls be murdered, you haven't got no blood. You bleed when the white man says bleed; you bite when the white man says bite; and you bark when the white man says bark. I hate to say this about us, but it's true. How are you going to be nonviolent in Mississippi, as violent as you were in Korea? How can you justify being nonviolent in Mississippi and Alabama, when your churches are being bombed, and your little girls are being murdered, and at the same time you're going to violent with Hitler, and Tojo, and somebody else that you don't even know?If violence is wrong in America, violence is wrong abroad. If it's wrong to be violent defending black women and black children and black babies and black men, then it's wrong for America to draft us and make us violent abroad in defense of her. And if it is right for America to draft us, and teach us how to be violent in defense of her, then it is right for you and me to do whatever is necessary to defend our own people right here in this country.The Chinese Revolution -- they wanted land. They threw the British out, along with the Uncle Tom Chinese. Yeah, they did. They set a good example. When I was in prison, I an article -- don't be shocked when I say I was in prison. You're still in prison. That's what America means: prison. When I was in prison, I an article in Life magazine showing a little Chinese girl, nine years old; her father was on his hands and knees and she was pulling the trigger 'cause he was an Uncle Tom Chinaman, When they had the revolution over there, they took a whole generation of Uncle Toms -- just wiped them out. And within ten years that little girl become [sic] a full-grown woman. No more Toms in China. And today it's one of the toughest, roughest, most feared countries on this earth -- by the white man. 'Cause there are no Uncle Toms over there.Of all our studies, history is best qualified to reward our research. And when you see that you've got problems, all you have to do is examine the historic method used all over the world by others who have problems similar to yours. And once you see how they got theirs straight, then you know how you can get yours straight. There's been a revolution, a black revolution, going on in Africa. In Kenya, the Mau Mau were revolutionaries; they were the ones who made the word "Uhuru" [Kenyan word for "freedom"]. They were the ones who brought it to the fore. The Mau Mau, they were revolutionaries. They believed in scorched earth. They knocked everything aside that got in their way, and their revolution also was based on land, a desire for land. In Algeria, the northern part of Africa, a revolution took place. The Algerians were revolutionists; they wanted land. France offered to let them be integrated into France. They told France: to hell with France. They wanted some land, not some France. And they engaged in a bloody battle.So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you -- you don't have a peaceful revolution. You don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. [The] only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution based on loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet; you can sit down next to white folks on the toilet. That's no revolution. Revolution is based on land. Land is the basis of all independence. Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality.The white man knows what a revolution is. He knows that the black revolution is world-wide in scope and in nature. The black revolution is sweeping Asia, sweeping Africa, is rearing its head in Latin America. The Cuban Revolution -- that's a revolution. They overturned the system. Revolution is in Asia. Revolution is in Africa. And the white man is screaming because he sees revolution in Latin America. How do you think he'll react to you when you learn what a real revolution is? You don't know what a revolution is. If you did, you wouldn't use that word.200806/41769

For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again,比如说,一个新的联盟的任何一部分,在一两年之后,precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it?为什么就不会像现在的联邦中的一些部分坚决要脱离出去一样,执意要从从那个新联盟中脱离出去。All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.所有怀着分裂联邦思想的人现在都正接受着分裂思想的教育。Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?难道要组成一个新联邦的州,它们的利益竟会是那样完全一致,它们只会有和谐,而不会再出现脱离行动吗?Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.非常清楚,脱离的中心思想实质就是无政府主义。A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations,一个受着宪法的检查和限制的约束,and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.总是随着大众意见和情绪的慎重变化而及时改变的多数派,是自由人民的唯一真正的统治者。Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible.谁要想排斥他们,便必然走向无政府主义或专制主义。The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible;完全一致是根本不可能的;把少数派的统治作为一种长期安排是完全不能接受的,so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.所以,一旦排斥了多数原则,剩下的便只有某种形式的无政府主义或某专制主义了。I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court,我没有忘记某些人的说法,认为宪法问题应该由最高法院来裁决。nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit,我也不否认这种裁决,在任何情况下,对诉讼各万,以及诉讼目的,while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government.完全具有约束力,而且在类似的情况中,—应受到政府的一切其它部门高度的尊重和重视。And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case,尽管非常明显,这类裁决在某一特定案例中都很可能会是错误的,然而,这样随之而来的恶果总只限于该特定案件,still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases,同时裁决还有机会被驳回,不致成为以后判案的先例,can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.那这种过失比起其它的过失来当然更让人容易忍受。At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court,同时,正直的公民必须承认,如果政府在有关全体人民利害的重大问题的政策,都得由最高法院的裁决,the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers,作出决定那一旦对个人之间的一般诉讼作出裁决时,人民便已不再是自己的主人,having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.而达到了将他们的政府交给那个高于一切的法庭的地步了。Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges.我这样说,决无意对法院或法官表示不满。It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them,一件案子按正常程序送到他们面前,对它作出正当裁决,是他们的不可推卸的责任;and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.如果别的人硬要把他们的判决用来达到政治目的,那并不是他们的过错。One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended.我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是正确的。应该扩展,而另一部分人又相信它是错误的,不应该扩展。02/436719

Ladies and gentleman , good morning and welcome to the 21st Century Erisson Cup Sixth National English Speaking Competition .女士们,先生们,早上好,欢迎来到;21世纪爱立信杯;第六届全国英语演讲比赛现场.First of all, well in introduce ourselves,My names is Rick.首先,让我们介绍一下自己.我的名字叫里克.Wo Shi Like (Chinese )from China Radio International .Thank you .And let me introduce to you ,from BTV, the very lovely Jiang Hua.我是来自中国国际广播电台的里克(中文).谢谢!同时让我来给你们介绍来自北京电视台的非常可爱的姜华.Thank you Rick ,Im Jiang Hua from Beijing TV and Im the host of Hello World .谢谢里克.我是来自北京电视台的姜华,是;你好世界;的主持人.Umm, this is the sixth time that China Daily has organized this contest.This year to stir up enthusiasm and support for Beifings bid for 2008 Olympic Games and popularizing English among Chinese people ,the Competition comes back to Beijing.这已经是中国日报社第六次组织的全国英语演讲比赛.今年为了激发热情,持北京申办2008年的奥运会,为了在中国人当中普及英语,比赛场地又回到了北京.Thats right .This years competition is organized by the China Daily and Ericsson China Company Limited , Coordinted by the Enlish Speaking Union and China University English speaking Association ,and Co-sponsored by EF Education ,Beijing Television ,Times Publishing Group of Singapore ,Shanghai Foreign Laguage Education Press, and pierson Education .是的,今年的比赛由中国日报社和爱立信(中国)有限公司主办,国际英语联合会和中国高校英语口语协会协办,赞助单位有英孚教育集团,北京电视台,新加坡时代出版集团,上海外语教育出版社以及培生出版集团.And now lets go over the rules of the competition .现在让我们介绍一下比赛的有关规则.OK,each of the contestants has five minutes to present a prepared speech ,three minutes to present an unprepared speech and another three minutes to answer questions raised by the panel of judges.每位参赛选手完成五分钟的命题演讲,三分钟的即兴演讲和三分钟的答辩.Now , during the prepared speech a competition staff member will raise a red paper board at the four minutemark to let the speaker know he or she has one minute left.在命题演讲中,比赛工作人员会在四分钟的时候举起一张红纸板,告诉演讲者他或者她还剩下一分钟的演讲时间.And ,a bell will ring out at the end of five minutes.并且在五分钟的结尾会鸣钟示意.Ok, our topic today for prepared speech is ;Beijing 2008:The Meaning of the Bid;.今天我们命题演讲的主题是;北京2008:申奥意义之我见.;The top two contestants will be honored as the most promising speakers to be invited to participate in the internatinal Public Speaking Competition sponsored by the English Speaking Union in London.比赛的前两名获得者将荣获;最具潜力选手;的称号,并被邀请到由国际英语联合会发起,在伦敦举行的国际英语演讲比赛.Among the remaining contestants ,the top two will be awarded a two-week training course in an international language school in Britain sponsored by EF Education.余下的选手当中,前两名将由英孚教育集团赞助,被选送到英国国际知名语言学校进行为期两周的修学访问.The third and fourth place winners will be awarded a study trip to Singapore sponsored by The Times Publishing Group .余下的第三.四名将由时代出版集团赞助到新加坡进行修学访问.The next six among the rest will get the cash prize.The contestant who demonstrates the most creativity will receive a special prize sponsored by Ercsson Company .接下来的六名优胜者将会获得现金奖.最具创造力的选手获得由爱立信公司赞助的特别奖.And the top winner of all the contestants will take home the 21st Century Ericsson Cup.所有参赛选手中的第一名将成为;21世纪爱立信杯;的主人,You will see names of the past top winners have been engraved on the pedestal of the cup.你可以从奖杯的底座看到前几届比赛一等奖获得者的名字刻在上面.Whose name will be added this year, we will find out before sunset.Please welcome contestant number twenty-four.今年谁的名字将加到上面去呢,我们会在日落之前就有分晓.下面有请第二十四号参赛选手出场.06/74257REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMAAT STRASBOURG TOWN HALL Rhenus Sports Arena Strasbourg, France 2:18 P.M. (Local)PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much. (Applause.) Good afternoon. Bon après-midi. (Applause.) And guten tag. It is a great honor for me to be here in Europe, to be here in Strasbourg. I want to make just a few acknowledgements. I want to thank the President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, for being such a terrific friend. I want to thank his wife, Madam Sarkozy. They just hosted us at the palace and could not have been more gracious.I want to thank the Charge d'Affaires, Mark Pekala, and his wife, Maria, who were helping to organize us; Vincent Carver, who's the Counsel General in Strasbourg. And I want to thank the Mayor of Strasbourg, Roland Ries, for his hospitality. (Applause.)It is wonderful to be here with all of you and to have an opportunity not only to speak to you but also to take some questions. You know, oftentimes during these foreign trips you see everything from behind a window, and what we thought was important was for me to have an opportunity to not only speak with you but also to hear from you, because that's ultimately how we can learn about each other. But before I take some questions, I hope you don't mind me making a few remarks about my country and yours; the relationship between the ed States and the relationship between Europe.Strasbourg has been known throughout history as a city at the crossroads. Over thousands of years, you straddled many kingdoms and many cultures. Two rivers are joined here. Two religions have flourished in your churches. Three languages comprise an ancient oath that bears the city's name. You served as a center of industry and commerce, a seat of government and education, where Goethe studied and Pasteur taught and Gutenberg imagined his printing press.So it's fitting because we find ourselves at a crossroads as well -- all of us -- for we've arrived at a moment where each nation and every citizen must choose at last how we respond to a world that has grown smaller and more connected than at any time in its existence.We've known for a long time that the revolutions in communications and technology that took place in the 20th century would hold out enormous promise for the 21st century -- the promise of broader prosperity and mobility; of new breakthroughs and discoveries that could help us lead richer and fuller lives. But the same forces that have brought us closer together have also given rise to new dangers that threaten to tear our world apart -- dangers that cannot be contained by the nearest border or the furthest ocean.Even with the Cold War now over, the sp of nuclear weapons or the theft of nuclear material could lead to the extermination of any city on the planet. And this weekend in Prague, I will lay out an agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. (Applause.)We also know that the pollution from cars in Boston or from factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, and that that will disrupt weather patterns everywhere. The terrorists who struck in London, in New York, plotted in distant caves and simple apartments much closer to your home. And the reckless speculation of bankers that has new fueled a global economic downturn that's inflicting pain on workers and families is happening everywhere all across the globe.The economic crisis has proven the fact of our interdependence in the most visible way yet. Not more than a generation ago, it would have been difficult to imagine that the inability of somebody to pay for a house in Florida could contribute to the failure of the banking system in Iceland. Today what's difficult to imagine is that we did not act sooner to shape our future.Now, there's plenty of blame to go around for what has happened, and the ed States certainly shares its -- shares blame for what has happened. But every nation bears responsibility for what lies ahead, especially now, for whether it's the recession or climate change, or terrorism, or drug trafficking, poverty, or the proliferation of nuclear weapons, we have learned that without a doubt there's no quarter of the globe that can wall itself off from the threats of the 21st century.The one way forward -- the only way forward -- is through a common and persistent effort to combat fear and want wherever they exist. That is the challenge of our time -- and we can not fail to meet it, together.Now, we take for granted the peace of a Europe that's united, but for centuries Strasbourg has been attacked and occupied and claimed by the warring nations of this continent. Now, today in this city, the presence of the European Parliament and the Council of Europe stand as symbols of a Europe that is united peaceful and free. (Applause.)Now, we take this peace and prosperity for granted, but this destination was not easily reached, nor was it predestined. The buildings that are now living monuments to European unity were not drawn from simple blueprints. They were born out of the blood of the first half of the 20th century and the resolve of the second. Men and women had to have the imagination to see a better future, and the courage to reach for it. Europeans and Americans had to have the sense of common purpose to join one another, and the patience and the persistence to see a long twilight struggle through.It was 61 years ago this April that a Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe helped to deliver hope to a continent that had been decimated by war. Amid the ashes and the rubble that surrounded so many cities like this one, America joined with you in an unprecedented effort that secured a lasting prosperity not just in Europe, but around the world -- on both sides of the Atlantic.One year later, exactly 60 years ago tomorrow, we ensured our shared security when 12 of our nations signed a treaty in Washington that spelled out a simple agreement: An attack on one would be viewed as an attack on all. Without firing a single shot, this Alliance would prevent the Iron Curtain from descending on the free nations of Western Europe. It would lead eventually to the crumbling of a wall in Berlin and the end of the Communist threat. Two decades later, with 28 member nations that stretched from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, NATO remains the strongest alliance that the world has ever known.At the crossroads where we stand today, this shared history gives us hope -- but it must not give us rest. This generation cannot stand still. We cannot be content merely to celebrate the achievements of the 20th century, or enjoy the comforts of the 21st century; we must learn from the past to build on its success. We must renew our institutions, our alliances. We must seek the solutions to the challenges of this young century.This is our generation. This is our time. And I am confident that we can meet any challenge as long as we are together. (Applause.)Such an effort is never easy. It's always harder to forge true partnerships and sturdy alliances than to act alone, or to wait for the action of somebody else. It's more difficult to break down walls of division than to simply allow our differences to build and our resentments to fester. So we must be honest with ourselves. In recent years we've allowed our Alliance to drift. I know that there have been honest disagreements over policy, but we also know that there's something more that has crept into our relationship. In America, there's a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world. Instead of celebrating your dynamic union and seeking to partner with you to meet common challenges, there have been times where America has shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive.But in Europe, there is an anti-Americanism that is at once casual but can also be insidious. Instead of recognizing the good that America so often does in the world, there have been times where Europeans choose to blame America for much of what's bad.04/66236演讲文本US President's radio address on tsunami (January 1,2005) Secretary of State Colin Powell speaks as Florida Governor Jeb Bush listens at a news conference in tsunami-hit Thai resort island of Phuket, January 4, 2005. (Reuters) THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. On this first day of a new year, we join the world in feeling enormous sadness over a great human tragedy. Last Sunday, an earthquake and violent tsunamis struck the nations that surround the Indian Ocean. The carnage is of a scale that defies comprehension, with over 100,000 deaths reported. I have signed a proclamation calling for our nation's flag to be flown at half-staff this coming week. As the people of this devastated region struggle to recover, we offer our love and compassion, and our assurance that America will be there to help. Earlier this week, I spoke with the leaders of India, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Indonesia. I offered them the condolences of our nation and I praised their steadfast leadership. The task they face is difficult. Their relief resources are stretched nearly to the limit. Communications, roads and medical facilities have been badly damaged; disease has become a very real threat. Americans are a compassionate people and we are aly hard at work helping those nations meet these challenges. The ed States has pledged 0 million in relief assistance, with million aly in the hands of relief organizations in the affected countries. To help coordinate this massive relief effort, disaster response officials are on the ground and have established a support center in Thailand that is manned and operational; more than 20 patrol and cargo aircraft have been made available to assess the disaster and deliver relief supplies -- many of those aircraft are aly on the scene. We have dispatched the aircraft carrier, Abraham Lincoln, the Maritime pre-positioning squadron from Guam, and an amphibious ship carrying a Marine Expeditionary -- they will soon be in position to support relief efforts, to include the generation of clean water. Tomorrow, I will send a delegation to the area to meet with regional leaders and international organizations to assess what additional aid can be provided by the ed States. The delegation will be led by Secretary of State Colin Powell and Governor Jeb Bush, who has extensive experience in the state of Florida with relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts following natural disasters. Secretary Powell has aly spoken with many of his counterparts in the region, and with officials from the ed Nations, and other governments that are helping with the response. Together, we are leading an international coalition to help with immediate humanitarian relief, rehabilitation and long-term construction efforts. India, Japan and Australia have aly pledged to help us coordinate these relief efforts, and I'm confident many more nations will join this core group in short order. Here at home, Americans are translating the blessings of our own country into generosity to others. From charitable organizations to private individuals to companies, our fellow citizens, on their own initiative, are raising millions of dollars for relief efforts. These Americans, donor and fundraiser alike, represent the best of our country and offer an example to the world. Any American who desires to donate to these efforts can easily do so online, by accessing the USA FreedomCorps web site at www.usafreedomcorps.gov. In this season when we gather with loved ones and count our many blessings, we hold the victims of this terrible tragedy in our hearts and prayers. And let us be mindful that even in this modern age, our world still requires compassion, tolerance and generosity from each of us. Laura and I send our condolences to all whose hearts are filled with grief this New Year's Day; and to our fellow Americans, we wish you peace and happiness in the coming year. 200603/5026

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