旅游  |  攻略  |  美食  |  自驾  |  团购
您的位置: 青海省旅游网 / 规划 / 新闻动态 / 青海要闻


来源:99网    发布时间:2017年11月23日 15:30:52    编辑:admin         

President Xi Jinping and his French counterpart Francois Hollande issued a joint statement on climate change in Beijing on Monday, vowing to promote a working program to accelerate pre-2020 efforts in mitigation, adaptation and support during the Paris climate summit.习近平主席和法国总统弗朗索瓦.奥朗德星期一在北京签署了一份气候变化联合声明,承诺推动020年之前在环境方面的项目发展,020年巴黎气候峰会的缓和,适应和持做准备。They called for a better transparency system to build trust and confidence in the Paris pact, as well as means to review the actions and support of various parties.他们呼吁建立一个更好地信息透明机制来在巴黎公约里的国家建立信任和信心,也同时意在回顾各个党派组织对于气候发展采取的行动和提供的持。France will host the climate summit in Paris (COP21) in December, which is largely expected to result in a global and binding agreement on addressing climate change.法国将于十二月在巴黎举办气候峰会(COP21),这次万众期待的会议将能制定出一个全球性的且有约束力的关于气候变化的共同协定。Hollande is visiting China ahead of the summit to seek Chinas support for a new climate change deal in Paris.奥朗德在峰会前访华也是为了争取中国对于巴黎的新气候变化协定的持。The two presidents reaffirmed joint efforts to push forward an ambitious and ;legally binding; Paris agreement on the basis of equity and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities.两位领导人重申了将联合努力来推进一个高效力的且“合法约束”的巴黎协约,该协约是建立在平等和同等但不同责任和共同但有区别的责任和各自的能力原则;The agreement must send out a clear signal for the world to transition to green, low-carbon, climate-resilient and sustainable development,; said the statement..“这个协约一定可以向世界发出一个清楚的信号,向绿色,地毯,能适应气候变化的可持续发展转化。”声明指出。They stressed that developed countries should continue to offer enhanced financial, technological and capacity-building support to developing countries in the post-2020 period.他们强调发达国家020年后应该继续提供更强的经济,技术和建设能力持给发展中国家。Xi and Hollande also pledged stronger cooperation in countering climate change in areas such as low-carbon transportation, renewable energy, and carbon capture and storage technologies.习近平和奥朗德都要求在诸如低碳运输,可再生能源和谈吸收储存技术等领域加强合作应对气候变化;China is committed to ensuring the success of the climate conference,; Xi told Hollande in their talks on Monday afternoon.“中国承诺保气候会议的成功。”在星期一下午的会谈上习主席告诉奥朗德。Xi said China supported France as the host of the conference, voicing confidence that it would successfully play its role as a coordinator to facilitate a balanced and comprehensive result.习主席还说中国持法国作为会议的主办方,对于法国将能够成功地协调并得到一个平衡的综合的成果表示很有信心;Im confident for the progress of the conference. Our statement has injected positive energy to the multilateral process of addressing climate change,; Xi told a press briefing after the talks.“我对会议的进程有信心。我们的协定会向气候变化问题的多边发展注入积极的能量。”习主席在会谈后简短地告诉记者。China has made multiple climate pledges. These include a decision to launch a national carbon cap-and-trade system in 2017 to help contain emissions, establishing a 20-billion-yuan (3.1-billion-U.S.-dollar) fund to help other developing countries combat and adapt to climate change, and cutting carbon dioxide emissions per unit of gross domestic product (GDP) by 60 percent to 65 percent from the 2005 level by 2030.中国在气候问题上做出了好几项保。包括决定于2017年建立一个国家级的碳总量控制和交易系统来帮助控制碳排放,建立一00亿人民币10万美元)的基金来帮助其他发展中国家减轻并适应气候变化,还有2030年前005年的水平上降低每单位GDP的二氧化碳排放量0%5%;The French presidents China trip is part of his climate change diplomacy which aims to regain Europes leading role in addressing climate change after the unprosperous Copenhagen conference,; said Cui Hongjian, a specialist in China-Europe relations at the China Institute of International Studies.“法国总统的中国行是他的环境外交的一部分,目的在于通过在不随人愿的哥本哈根会议之后重提气候变化问题重新获得法国在欧洲的领导地位。”中国国际问题研究所的中欧关系专家崔红建表示。During their talks, Hollande told Xi he is visiting China hoping to further the all-round strategic partnership with China.在他们谈话的过程中,奥朗德告诉习近平他访问中国是希望能够更长远地发展同中国的全方位战略合作伙伴关系。The two countries share similar views on many global affairs, and maintain political trust and dialogue, he said.他还说,两国分享了对于许多全球事务的相同理解,保持政治互信和交流。来 /201511/408156。

Dominic Lieven’s stated reason for this contribution to the centenary literature on World War I is to place Russia “where it belongs, at the very centerof the war’s history. Certainly the war proved to be at the center of Russian history, leading to revolution, dictatorship, repression and more war.多米尼克·利芬(Dominic Lieven)称,自己这部关于“一战”百年文献的著作,目的是把俄罗斯放在这场战争的历史“应有的位置,也就是它的核心”。当然,这场战争也被明位于俄罗斯历史的核心,为这个国家带来了其后的革命、独裁、压迫与更多战争。But Mr. Lieven, a well-respected British scholar of Imperial Russia, makes the convincing case that World War I was really about the struggle of Russia and Germany for territory, status and influence in Eastern and Central Europe, in which the fate of Ukraine shades of today played a central role. At the end, Russia and Germany both lost, leading to a peace in which neither played a constructive part, and making a second conflict likely.利芬是一位备受尊敬的英国学者,专门研究沙皇时期的俄囀?他给出了令人信的据,表明“一战”其实是关乎俄罗斯与德国在东欧与中欧就领土、地位及影响进行的一系列斗争,其中乌克兰的命运(与如今的情况颇有类似)扮演了关键角色。最后,俄罗斯与德国都成了输家,在其后的和平之中,双方都没有扮演建设性的角色,并且为其后的第二次冲突埋下伏笔。In giving Russia’s side of the story as he did in his well-received study of an earlier war, “Russia Against Napoleon: The Battle for Europe, 1807 to 1814Mr. Lieven punctures the popular Western image of a reactionary autocracy stumbling into a suicidal war through misguided Slavic nationalism. There is that, to be sure, but his Russia is also a vast empire and an economic powerhouse in the making, where a fledgling civil society and influential press often contributed to nationalist passions while a counterintuitively capable aristocratic elite wrestled with legitimate questions of where Russia’s national interests lay in the complex and rapidly changing world of the early 20th century.利芬的《俄国与拿破仑的决战:鏖战欧罗巴807-1814Russia Against Napoleon: The Battle for Europe, 1807 to 1814)一书从俄罗斯的立场出发讲述俄法战争的历史,备受好评,在这本新书中也是如此。在一般西方人的印象里,俄罗斯是个反动的独裁政府,由于误入歧途的斯拉夫民族主义,跌跌撞撞地发起了一场自杀式的战争,利芬对这个观点做出了批评。诚然有着这方面的因素,但俄罗斯也是一个巨大的帝国,是发展中的强大经济体,刚刚起步的公民社会与颇具影响力的媒体经常鼓动国家主义热情。与此同时,和人们的直觉不同的是,俄罗斯的贵族精英极具能力,在世界形势极度复杂和快速变化的20世纪初,他们要为涉及俄罗斯国家利益的正当问题而斟酌。Mr. Lieven’s empathy with the well-born men who ran Russia and its foreign policy under Emperor Nicholas II may be explained in part by his own descent from an illustrious family of Baltic aristocrats one of whom, Prince Alexander Lieven, makes a delightful cameo appearance in the book as chief of the Naval General Staff from 1911 to 1914, who “liked to work with his pet monkey perched on his shoulder.”利芬对沙皇尼古拉二世治下出身高贵的俄罗斯统治阶层,乃至他们的外交政策怀有共鸣,或许部分是由于他本人就出身于波罗的海贵族中的一个显赫家族——家族中的亚历山大·利芬王Prince Alexander Lieven)也在这本书中有过令人愉快的客串出场,他于1911年至1914年担任海军总参谋长,“工作时喜欢让自己的宠物猴子蹲在肩膀上”。But it would be wrong to dismiss Mr. Lieven’s portrayal of the imperial elite and its role as solely the product of his heritage. On the contrary, his intimate familiarity with the Russia he describes and his extensive study of the letters, diaries and books of the chief actors in Russia’s descent “towards the flamesmany not hitherto accessible to historians are what render this work so authoritative and able.但如果以此便认为,利芬为帝国贵族阶层乃至其角色所描绘的画像是由他的出身所决定的,那就大错特错了。与此相反,为这部作品赋予权威性与可读性的,是他对笔下俄罗斯世界深切的熟稔;是因为他大量研究了在俄罗斯“堕入火焰”这一进程中的主角们的书信、日记和书籍(其中很多如今已经无法为史学家们所见)。In Mr. Lieven’s telling, the primary cause of the war was “the conflict of interests, fears, and ambitions created by the decline of the Ottoman and Austrian empires.The crises this generated could have been resolved only through the collaboration of the rising German and Russian states. But that was neither simple nor obvious at the time in St. Petersburg, torn among the imperatives of ensuring access to Black Sea ports through the Straits; sustaining a Slavophile “missionto the Balkan Slavs; managing the costs of a vast land empire; and balancing dynastic links to Germany against fears of its rising power.在利芬的叙事中,这场战争的首要原因是“由奥斯曼帝国与奥匈帝国的衰落所引起的利益、恐惧与野心的冲突。”这些冲突所诱发的危机只能靠着崛起的德国与俄罗斯的合作才有可能得到解决。但在当时,圣彼得堡要攫取黑海海峡,以此获得通往黑海港口的通路;要对巴尔干半岛的斯拉夫人维持亲斯拉夫的“使命”;要维持庞大内陆帝国的开销;一方面恐惧德国崛起的势力,一方面又要与它保持动态平衡的关系,在这种情况下,与德国合作并不容易,形势并不清晰。“The options open to Russia were difficult, and there were powerful and rational arguments to justify the foreign policy adopted by Petersburg,Mr. Lieven writes. As someone who also has Russian roots, I found his portraits of the men from the “nest of the aristocracy and gentrywho made or disputed that policy like the foreign ministers Aleksandr Izvolsky and Sergey Sazonov, or the diplomat-journalist Prince Grigorii Troubetskoy among the most interesting passages of the book. Contrary to the notion of self-serving noblemen leading Russia to disaster, these men, as portrayed by Mr. Lieven, “were far from stupidand generally decent. They were also, as he makes clear, closely linked by class, rank and often marriage to the aristocratic elite that predominated in most European governments.“俄罗斯所面临的选择非常艰难,圣彼得堡就外交政策展开过高效而理性的讨论,”利芬写道。他在书中描述了那些参与制定或讨论政策,“出身贵族与上层的人”,诸如外交大臣亚历山大·伊兹沃斯Aleksandr Izvolsky)和塞吉·萨佐诺Sergey Sazonov)以及外交官兼记者格里高利·特鲁贝特斯科伊王子(Prince Grigorii Troubetskoy)等人,作为同样有着俄罗斯血统的人,我觉得他为这些人描绘的肖像是全书中最有意思的部分之一。人们通常认为,是自私自利的贵族引导着俄罗斯走向灾难,与此相反,利芬笔下的这些人“远非愚蠢之辈”,并且大都非常正派。他写道,通过阶级、阶层乃至联姻,这些人同统治着大多数欧洲政府的贵族精英们有着紧密的联系。Nicholas II, in Mr. Lieven’s telling, is also more complex and sympathetic than the hapless monarch of Western lore. The subject of another earlier Lieven study, Nicholas is “above all else a Russian patriot,steeped in the ideology of a unique communion between Orthodox czar and people, caught between equally dangerous demands for reform and status quo.利芬写道,尼古拉斯二世也比西方人心目中那个不幸的末代君主要复杂得多,富于同情心得多。利芬早年曾经专门研究过尼古拉斯,说他“首先是个俄罗斯爱国者”,笃信东正教沙皇与人民之间存在独一无二的联系,在同样危险的改革与维持现状二者之间左右为难。Mr. Lieven’s ability to empathize with the different forces of the old order isn’t limited to the elites. The book is liberally sprinkled with personal asides like this one: “Personally, my sympathies are with the soldiers: I too would have been deeply unwilling to sacrifice my life for the Straits.I particularly liked the brusque dismissal of popular myths about the power of the holy wanderer Rasputin: “Grigorii Rasputin’s influence on policy was grossly exaggerated then and has been ever since.”利芬对旧秩序中的不同势力都能产生共情,而且不仅仅局限于精英阶层。这本书中亦有着大量的个人化旁白,诸如:“我个人同情那些士兵们:换了我也绝对不会愿意为黑海海峡而牺牲生命”。关于神圣游荡者拉斯普京的权力,利芬也严厉地驳斥了流行的神话,“格里高利·拉斯普Grigorii Rasputin)对政策的影响力从那时起乃至其后被大大夸张了”,我特别喜欢这一段。This book is not, however, always an easy for the general er, who may at times become lost in the thickets of names, arguments and events. And only fellow historians are likely to fully appreciate how Mr. Lieven disagrees with them, since he often does not identify them. But for anyone interested in the First World War, the effort is well worth the exposure to a side of the war that is often given short shrift in Western histories.不过,这本书对于普通读者而言并不总是轻松易读,读者有时会迷失在错综复杂的人名、辩论乃至事件之中。只有历史学家同行们才有可能真正欣赏利芬与他们不一致的地方,因为他总是不把自己视为他们当中的一员。但是任何对“一战”感兴趣的人来说,读这本书是值得的,可以看到通常被西方历史一笔带过的战争一方的情形。Inevitably, an account of European maneuvers and passions on the eve of cataclysm prompts a search for contemporary parallels, especially when issues like the fate of Ukraine are described as pivotal, and the main protagonists Russia and Germany are again at the center of European politics. Mr. Lieven acknowledges the echoes, but he is quick to note that Angela Merkel’s Germany is very different from Kaiser Wilhelm II’s; Vladimir Putin’s Russia is not Nicholas II’s; Ukraine does not hold the key to Russian imperial power; “and Europe is no longer at the center of the world.”对于那场大灾难前夕欧洲各国的谋略与的描述,不可避免地会令人想到当今局势,特别是乌克兰的命运,在那本书中被描述为关键问题,而书中的两个主角——俄罗斯与德国——如今又位于欧洲政治的中心。利芬承认这种历史的回响,但他很快指出,安格拉·默克尔(Angela Merkel)领导下的德国与德皇威廉二Kaiser Wilhelm II)领导下的德国有着极大不同,弗拉迪米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)的俄罗斯也已经不再是沙皇尼古拉斯二世的俄罗斯;乌克兰不再是俄罗斯皇权的关键;而且“欧洲也已经不再是世界的中心”。Yet some of the forces that Mr. Lieven describes behind Russian policies and politics messianism coupled with a sense of inferiority, backwardness coupled with brilliance and great wealth, the vastness of the land and the determination of the rulers to be recognized as a great power are all very much on display in Putin’s Russia.但是利芬笔下俄罗斯政策与政治背后的力量——弥赛亚主义加民族自卑感、倒退势力加上卓越的才华与巨大的财富、广大的土地与拥有极大权力的领导人——这一切仍然在普京治下的俄罗斯具有重要的一席之地。Mr. Lieven sees more worrisome parallels in Asia. On the last page, he writes that he conceived and wrote the book at his home on a Japanese mountain, and thinking about the dangers of geopolitical brinkmanship and strident nationalism in east Asia “is not a comforting experience.Hopefully discomfort will prove to be the worst of it this time around.利芬认为亚洲也有同样的令人不安之处。在本书的最后一页,他写道,自己是在日本山地的家中构思并写作这本书的,他认为,在东亚,地缘政治边缘政策的种种危险与甚嚣尘上的民族主义“并不是令人愉悦的体验”。只希望违和感就是这个时代最糟的事情吧。THE END OF TSARIST RUSSIA《沙皇俄国的末日:向“一战”与革命进军》The March to World War I amp; Revolution(The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I amp; Revolution)By Dominic Lieven多米尼克·利芬 26 pages. Viking. .426页。Viking出版社5美元 /201509/397476。

The US economy is growing at its fastest rate in a decade ahead of today’s congressional elections, the kind of uptick that would lift any leader facing voters in struggling Europe or Japan.今日国会选举前夕,数据显示美国经济正经历10年以来最快的增长率,在苦苦挣扎的欧洲或日本,这种增长足以提高领导人在选民中的人气。But Barack Obama and the Democrats are encountering only headwinds as polls point to a sullen US electorate handing the Republicans control of the Senate for the first time in eight years and lifting their majority in the House to the biggest margin in half a century.但巴拉克#8226;奥巴Barack Obama)和民主党(Democrat)所面临的只有逆风,民调显示,愤懑的美国选民8年来将首次让共和党控制参议院,并帮助众议院中的共和党人取得半个世纪以来最大席位优势。That would sharply boost the morale of a Republican party that has been portrayed as stuck in an ideological cul-de-sac in recent years, reliant on a declining voter base of ageing white men.这将大幅提振共和党的士气。该党近年被描绘成陷入意识形态死胡同,依靠人数不断下降的老年白人选民持。The broader mood of the electorate favours neither side, however. At the moment when the US is taking back its traditional position as the locomotive of the global economy, Americans themselves remain gloomy about their country’s, and their own, prospects.然而选民对两党的整体情绪都不怎么样。就在美国恢复其作为全球经济的火车头的传统地位之际,美国人却仍对自己的国家和他们自己的前景感到悲观。“I think voters are anti the Democrats; I don’t think they are for the Republicans,said Michael Barone, of the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative Washington think-tank.华盛顿保守派智库——美国企业研究所(American Enterprise Institute)的迈克尔#8226;巴罗(Michael Barone)说:“我认为选民抱有反民主党的情绪,我不认为他们持共和党人。”The benchmark polls that track voter sentiment with a simple question about whether the country is on the right or wrong track have now been in deep negative territory since the administration of George W. Bush.用一个简单的问题(美国正处在正确还是错误的轨道上?)来追踪选民情绪的基准调查,目前深陷自乔治·W·布什(George W Bush)政府以来的负值区间。For a nation that has prided itself on its inveterate optimism and the belief that each generation would be better off than the last, negative sentiment about the future is the new normal.美国人曾自豪于其根深蒂固的乐观精神,坚信每一代人都会过得比上一代人更好,但如今美国人对未来的负面情绪成了新常态。The partiescampaigns, as well as a flood of often anonymous donations from wealthy business leaders on both sides, have reinforced the cynicism with a tidal wave of negative advertising.两党的竞选活动,以及富裕商界领袖对两党作出的往往匿名的大量捐款,都以铺天盖地的负面广告,强化了人们的怀疑心态。This midterm election will cost bn, according to the Centre for Responsive Politics, a record amount for a non-presidential year. In the small, highly contested state of Iowa, one local television ran about 20 political ads in a row.根据响应性政治中Center for Responsive Politics)的数据,本次中期选举将耗资40亿美元,创下非总统选举年的纪录。在地域不大,却是两党争夺重点的爱荷华州,当地一家电视台连续播出了约20个政治广告。On his rare appearances on the campaign trail, Mr Obama has tried to counter the negative mood. “Despite all the cynicism, America is making progress,he said at a rally in Connecticut for the governor’s race.奥巴马在此次竞选期间罕有的几次露面中试图对抗负面情绪。他在康涅狄格州一次州长竞选的集会上说:“尽管有这么多怀疑情绪,但美国正取得进展。”来 /201411/340801。

To avoid the hassle of operating data centers, many companies hand the job off to Amazon. In addition to being the biggest online retailer, Amazon has built a giant business of renting servers to customers that need computing power to crunch numbers, stream movies and process orders.为了免去管理数据中心的麻烦,许多公司把这一任务交给了亚马逊(Amazon)。而亚马逊不仅是最大的网络零售商,还创立了庞大的务器租赁业务,供那些需要计算能力来分析数据、播放电影和处理订单的客户使用。But Amazon, the leading so-called “cloud services platform,faces an increasingly stiff challenge. Rivals like Microsoft are slowly gaining ground in what is a key battleground between some of the technology industry’s biggest companies.但亚马逊领先的所谓“云务平台”,正在面临着日益严峻的挑战。在这个科技行业最大巨头之间的核心战场上,微软(Microsoft)等竞争对手正在逐渐发展壮大。“Cloud platforms are the service of choice for modern software, which means that all the big businesses who have a significant stake in app development or distribution are getting into this space. They have to,says James Staten, a Forrester Research analyst.弗雷斯特研究公司(Forrester Research)的分析师詹姆斯o斯塔顿称:“云平台是现代软件公司都会选择的务,这意味着所有在应用开发和发布上占据重大份额的大公司都会进入这个领域。他们别无选择。”Amazon’s Web Services, the name of its data center arm, controlled up to 75% of the global cloud platforms market in 2013, according to Forrester Research analyst James Staten. But that share is expected to drop to around 65% by the end of this year.弗雷斯特的詹姆斯o斯塔顿表示,2013年亚马逊的数据中心Web Services占据了全球云平台市场75%的份额。不过到今年年底,这一比例预计将跌5%。Meanwhile, Microsoft, a distant second in the race with what is known as Azure, had 15% of the market in 2013. That share is expected to climb to 25% by the end of the year.与此同时,在这场竞争中远远落后的第二名——微软Azure云平台——在2013年的份额5%。但到今年年底,这一比例预计将增5%。The potential for cloud computing remains huge. Corporations could spend as much as 5 billion on it in 2017, more than triple the amount they spent in 2011, according to IHS Technology. It’s no wonder then companies like Microsoft, Google, Salesforce, SAP and Oracle are ramping up efforts to meet demand.云计算依旧有很大的潜力。研究公司IHS Technology的数据显示,017年,各公司在该领域的花费可能高达2,350亿美元,011年的三倍多。因此也难怪微软、谷歌(Google)、Salesforce、SAP和甲骨文(Oracle)都着眼于该领域来填补市场需求。Created in 2006, Amazon Web Services gambled early on the idea of building data centers that stored and processed information for other businesses. Now that data center division, which is estimated to generate around .5 billion in revenues this year, has over 1 million customers like NASA, Netflix NFLX -0.03% and Spotify.Amazon Web Services创立006年,他们很早就在建立数据中心,供其他公司储存和处理数据。如今据估计,该数据中心今年收入约为55亿美元,拥有包括美国国家航空航天局(NASA)、奈飞(Netflix)和Spotify在内的超00万客户。“The cloud is the new normal,boasted Andy Jassy, Amazon Web Services SVP, at the cloud platform’s annual conference in Las Vegas last week where the company unveiled tools to make software development easier and cheaper.上周在举办的云平台年度会议上,Amazon Web Services推出了简化软件开发、并使开发成本更为低廉的工具。在会上,公司的高级副总裁安迪o雅西表示:“云就是新常态。”Microsoft MSFT -0.83% pushed into the so-called “cloudlong before Satya Nadella became CEO in February. But it was Nadella who championed a more cloud-focused strategy inside the company.早在萨提亚o纳德拉在2月担任首席执行官之前很久,微软就开始迈入所谓的“云”领域。但正是纳德拉将“云”摆在了公司的战略中心。Signing up data customers is critical for Microsoft, which has had huge success in selling software for personal computers but has stumbled as people have shifted to mobile devices. The company is betting that business services like Azure are a big part of its future.招揽数据客户对微软而言至关重要。该公司在出售个人电脑软件方面取得了巨大成功,但在人们将注意力转向移动设备后便步履蹒跚了。微软赌的就是Azure这样的商业务会成为公司未来的重要产品。Microsoft is trying to close the gap through lower prices and by rapidly introducing new features. Jeffrey Hammond, a Forrester Research analyst, said that Azure is easier to learn for new customers that lack technical experience.微软试图通过低价和迅速推出新功能这两项战略拉近差距。弗雷斯特研究公司的分析师杰弗里o哈蒙德表示,对缺乏技术经验的新用户而言,Azure更易于上手。“I think that’s often how developers feel,Hammond says. “There are a lot of different choices, and it’s not always clear what the best thing to do is.”哈蒙德说:“我认为开发商经常会有这种感觉:选择倒是很多,但究竟哪种最好并不总是那么明显。”Still, Amazon Web Services remains the platform of choice for startups such as Spotify, Airbnb and Pinterest. Azure, meanwhile, is more popular with larger companies such as Xerox XRX 1.04% , eBay EBAY 1.01% and McKesson. (According to Staten, more startups are starting to use Azure, but in many of those cases, the startup has some prior history with Microsoft.) Both platforms must round out their services more to fuel growth.Amazon Web Services平台目前依旧为Spotify、Airbnb和Pinterest等初创公司所青睐。而Azure则更多地被Xerox、eBay和McKesson等大型公司选择。(据斯塔顿所说,越来越多的初创公司也开始使用Azure,不过在很多情况中,这些初创公司本身就有使用微软产品的经历。)这两大平台都需要完善他们的务,以取得更进一步的增长。Microsoft is marketing its cloud as being more flexible than Amazon’s. Traditionally, Amazon’s servers hosted and processed the vast majority of their customersinformation. Microsoft, in contrast, uses a more “hybridapproach in which customers can store and process some of their data with Microsoft while doing the rest on their own servers. That’s appealing to customers that want more ownership over their information but still want some of the cloud’s benefits.微软的营销策略是让云平台比亚马逊的更加灵活。传统的亚马逊平台会储存并处理客户的绝大部分信息。而微软正好相反,采用了“混合云”策略,客户可以在微软的务器上储存和处理部分数据,而另一部分数据则放在自己的务器上。对那些希望拥有更多数据自主权,同时也想享受云务便利的用户而言,这很有吸引力。Microsoft’s “hybridapproach could prove more lucrative, at least in the near-future. By 2017, Gartner estimates that nearly 50% of all large enterprises in the U.S. will run off some kind of hybrid cloud set-up. Even Amazon gets the appeal. Earlier this year, Amazon CTO Werner Vogels said his company would offer some tools to help customers go hybrid if that is what they want.微软的“混合云”策略会带来更大效益,至少在不远的将来会是这样。高德纳研究公司(Gartner)预测,017年,美国几乎半数大型企业都会建立起类似混合云的产品。甚至连亚马逊都意识到了这其中的吸引力。今年早些时候,亚马逊的首席技术官沃纳o沃格尔表示,如果客户有需求,公司将会提供工具帮助他们架设混合云务器。“What we’re ultimately seeing here is huge change,says Hammond, comparing the move to cloud services to the rise of the Web.哈蒙德把这种云务的趋势比作互联网的兴起:“我们最终在这里看见的将会是巨变。”For Amazon Web Services, Azure and others battling for the cloud platform market, the trend signals something they aly know: Game on.对Amazon Web Services、Azure和其他竞争云平台市场的公司来说,这一趋势预示着什么,他们早已了然:竞争开始了 /201411/344392。