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福州治输卵管粘连多少钱飞度云大夫

楼主:时空爱问 时间:2019年09月16日 11:03:57 点击:0 回复:0
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Sovereign wealth funds, led by Norway’s 0bn oil fund, are using Hong Kong’s listings revival to achieve a long-held goal of ramping up exposure to China.以挪威8100亿美元石油基金为首的数家主权财富基金,正利用香港IPO市场的复苏,加大对华投资。The Norwegian fund – the world’s biggest pool of sovereign wealth – has emerged as one of the most important investors in Chinese companies this year, despite trade friction between Oslo and Beijing.这家挪威基金是世界上规模最大的主权财富基金。尽管挪威与中国之间存在贸易擦,该主权财富基金仍成为今年中资企业最重要的投资者之一。It was one of the main cornerstone investors ahead of the initial public offering of Cinda , the Chinese former bad bank set up to manage distressed debt in the late 1990s.该基金是即将上市的信达资产管理公司(Cinda)的主要基石投资者之一。信达是上世纪90年代末中国为管理不良贷款而设立的一家坏账。The fund has bought 0m, or about 6 per cent, of the .5bn deal. Shares in Cinda are due to begin trading tomorrow, one of a spate of deals that followed Beijing’s announcement of a major package of economic reforms last month.信达上市融资规模为25亿美元,挪威石油基金出资1.5亿美元购入了6%左右的股份。信达股票将于明天上市交易,这是中国政府上个月公布一揽子经济改革措施以来的一系列上市交易之一。The oil fund was also a cornerstone investor in Huishan Dairy’s .3bn Hong Kong offering in November, and in the .3bn Singapore listing of Mapletree’s China real estate trust earlier this year.挪威石油基金还作为基石投资者参与了多宗上市交易,其中包括辉山乳业(Huishan Dairy)今年11月在香港的13亿美元IPO,以及今年早些时候丰树(Mapletree)旗下中国房地产信托基金在新加坡的13亿美元IPO。Norway has also become a key international player in China’s onshore markets. In September, the oil fund became only the second institution to be granted an investment a of more than bn, which it needs to buy renminbi-denominated assets within China itself. Only the Hong Kong Monetary Authority and Temasek, Singapore’s state investment agency, have been granted such access.在中国境内市场上,挪威石油基金也是重要的国际投资方之一。今年9月份,挪威石油基金成为第二个在华获批投资额度超过10亿美元的机构。要想在中国买入以人民币计价的资产,外国机构必须首先获得投资额度。目前,只有香港金管局(HKMA)和新加坡政府投资机构淡马锡(Temasek)获得的额度能与其相当。At the end of September, the oil fund had 2.1 per cent of its 0bn equities portfolio in China, up from 1.7 per cent a year earlier, but only one-third of its exposure to Japan, France or Germany and a 15th the level of its US holdings. Yngve Slyngstad, its chief executive, has repeatedly said he would like to invest more given the size of the Chinese economy.今年9月底,挪威石油基金4800亿美元的股权投资组合中,2.1%投往中国,而一年之前这一比例为1.7%。不过,这一比例只是其对日、法、德投资比例的三分之一,对美投资的十五分之一。该基金首席执行官英格维#8226;斯灵斯塔(Yngve Slyngstad)曾反复表示,考虑到中国经济的规模,他很愿意加大对华投资。Despite the increased investment ties, diplomatic relations between Norway and China remain frozen following the decision in 2010 to award the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo.尽管中国和挪威的投资关系日益密切,两国间的外交关系却仍处于冻结状态。这缘起于2010年,当时挪威政府决定将诺贝尔和平奖(Nobel Peace Prize)颁给中国异见人士刘晓波。“Relations with China are unfortunately [still] at freezing point,” Norway’s new foreign minister, B#248;rge Brende, said last month. “I don’t think we should expect that relations will improve in the short term but I hope they will during the next four years.”挪威新任外交大臣尔格#8226;布伦德(B#248;rge Brende)上个月曾表示:“不幸的是,挪威与中国的关系(仍)处于冰点。我想我们不能指望挪中关系将在短期内得到改善,但我希望未来四年可以。”When asked last year why Norway had been excluded from a new visa-free travel programme, Chinese officials said some countries had been “badly behaved”.去年,在被问到为什么挪威被中国排除于新的过境免签制度之外时,中国官员表示一些国家“行为不端”。The Norwegian fund is not the only government-backed investment vehicle looking to increase its China holdings. Korea’s National Pension Service and Canada’s Caisse de Depot Placement du Quebec both recently received fresh onshore investment allocations, while Qatar applied for bn in a in June.挪威石油基金不是唯一寻求增加对华投资的政府背景投资基金。韩国国民年金管理公团(NPS)以及加拿大魁北克储蓄投资集团(CDPQ)最近都获得了新的中国境内投资配额,而今年6月份卡塔尔则申请了50亿美元的投资额度。But sovereign funds have shied away from recent Chinese bank IPOs amid concern over the outlook for the sector.不过,由于担心中国业的前景,这些主权财富基金都没有投资于近期的中资IPO交易。Global central banks have also been active. Last month South Africa’s central bank followed Australia’s when it signalled moves to invest in Chinese bonds for the first time.全球央行对华投资也十分积极。上个月继澳大利亚央行之后,南非央行表示,将首次投资于中国债券。Chinese authorities are keen to attract sovereign wealth and other long-term investors to its markets, and in the past year they have eased restrictions.中国官方迫切希望吸引主权财富基金和其他长期投资者投资于中国市场,过去一年他们已为此放宽了相应限制。 /201312/268308In Europe it is hard to find two more solid democracies and flourishing economies than Sweden and Germany. Yet the strong performances of radical right protest parties in elections on Sunday show that even these models of prosperity and efficient government are infected with a virus that sps over the entire continent.在欧洲,很难找到两个比瑞典和德国民主更稳固、经济更繁荣的国家了。不过,极右翼抗议党派(protest parties)在上周日选举中的强劲表现明,就连这些繁荣兴旺、政府高效的典范国家,也被一种横扫整个欧洲的病毒感染了。Neither the Sweden Democrats, with 12.9 per cent of the vote in national legislative elections, nor Alternative for Germany (AfD), with 12.2 per cent and 10.6 per cent respectively in elections to the state parliaments of Brandenburg and Thuringia, came anywhere near outright victory. But their share of the vote shot up, demonstrating that few, if any, mainstream European conservative parties can assume themselves to be immune to the threat from unconventional movements on their right flank.无论是在全国立法机构选举中获得12%选票的瑞典民主党(Sweden Democrats),还是在勃兰登堡州(Brandenburg)和图林根州(Thuringia)议会选举中得票率分别为12.2%和10.6%的德国新选项党(AfD),都谈不上是大获全胜。但它们得票率的大幅上升明,很少有(假如真有的话)哪个欧洲主流保守党派能够想当然地认为,自己可免受比自己更右翼的非常规运动的威胁。Less than two weeks ago, an opinion poll suggested that Marine Le Pen, leader of France’s National Front, would win the second round of the country’s 2017 presidential election against Fran#231;ois Hollande. In Britain, the ed Kingdom independence party, which, like the National Front topped the national polls in May’s European Parliament elections, is set to defeat the ruling Tories next month in a by-election in Clacton, southeast England.不到两周前,一项民调结果显示,法国国民阵线(National Front)主席马琳#8226;勒庞(Marine Le Pen)在2017年的法国总统选举中对阵弗朗索瓦#8226;奥朗德(Fran#231;ois Hollande)时,将在第二轮投票中胜出。在英国,英国独立党(UKIP)像法国国民阵线一样,在今年5月于本国举行的欧洲议会(European Parliament)选举中得票率名列第一。在下月于英格兰东南部的克拉克顿(Clacton)举行的补缺选举中,英国独立党有望击败执政的英国保守党(Tories)。From France and the Netherlands to Austria and Greece, the radical right is an established phenomenon. Even though it has never held power in an EU country, it is remoulding political landscapes. A minority government beckons in Stockholm because the 49 seats won by the Sweden Democrats have denied an absolute majority to the victorious parties of the left.从法国、荷兰到奥地利、希腊,极右翼势力的崛起已是既成事实。尽管这股势力从未在某个欧盟(EU)国家掌权,但它正在重塑欧洲的政治格局。斯德哥尔很可能会出现一个少数派政府,原因是瑞典民主党赢得了49个席位,导致在选举中获胜的左翼政党无法形成绝对多数。AfD’s success – it now holds seats in three of Germany’s 16 state assemblies as well as the European Parliament – is one factor behind the electoral collapse of the liberal Free Democrats. For most of the Federal Republic’s history between 1949 and 2013, the FDP was the nation’s third party, an essential element of coalition governments and the pro-business voice in German politics. Now it has no seats in the Bundestag, the lower house. The latest miserable results in regional elections have removed it from the upper house where the states are represented.如今,德国新选项党在该国16个州议会中的3个拥有席位,在欧洲议会也拥有席位。该党的成功,是导致自由派的德国自民党(FDP)在选举中溃败的因素之一。在德意志联邦共和国1949年至2013年历史的大部分时间里,德国自民党都是第三大党,是联合政府不可或缺的组成部分,在政界属于亲商派。如今,该党在德国议会下院——德国联邦议院(Bundestag)——中已没有席位。由于最近在地方选举中遭遇惨败,该党在代表各州的议会上院中也被扫地出门。AfD attracts disaffected voters from all parties. It is no longer a single-issue movement, mixing its original hostility to the euro and German-guaranteed financial bailouts with support for small businesses and improved education.德国新选项党从各个党派那里把心怀不满的选民吸引过来。该党不再是一个聚焦于单一问题的运动,而是一面继续反对欧元和德国担保下的金融纾困,一面持小企业和改善教育。Rightwing populism displays different characteristics from country to country, possessing a nastier far-right streak in Greece and Hungary than in Germany and the UK. One crucial element in the rise of AfD, the National Front and Ukip is the decision of their leaders to steer clear of explicit racism, let alone uniformed violence. Instead they aim to build respectability by concentrating on law and order, immigration, the overburdened welfare state and perceived threats to national identity.右翼民粹主义在不同国家展现出不同特征:与德国和英国的情况相比,希腊和匈牙利右翼民粹主义带有更令人反感的极右色。德国新选项党、法国国民阵线和英国独立党崛起的背后有一项关键因素:他们的领导人决定不诉诸露骨的种族主义,更别说身着制实施暴力行为了。相反,他们关注法律与秩序、移民、负担过重的福利国家以及人们眼中国家认同受到的威胁,打算以此赢得尊重。In contrast to Ukip and AfD, however, the origins of the Sweden Democrats lie in fringe rightwing extremism rather than traditional conservatism. They exploit popular misgivings about high immigration levels and the alleged failure of multiculturalism in a country that has long served as a haven for refugees from Iran to the former Yugoslavia.但与英国独立党和德国新选项党形成反差的是,瑞典民主党起源于边缘的右翼极端主义,而不是传统的保守主义。他们利用了民众对移民大量流入的担忧、以及某些人口中多元文化主义在瑞典的失败——长期以来,瑞典一直是从伊朗到前南斯拉夫等各国难民的避难所。Like AfD, the Sweden Democrats revel in the fact that political and cultural elites treat them like polecats. They calculate that this contempt bestows on them an outsider status that helps their cause in an era of widesp disillusion with establishment parties.像德国新选项党一样,瑞典民主党陶醉于一个事实:政治与文化精英像对待臭鼬一样对待他们。他们认为,这种蔑视赋予了他们一种局外人的身份,在当权党派普遍令人失望的时代,这种身份有利于他们事业的发展。Across Europe the question is not if the radical right will come to power like Mussolini in 1922 or Hitler in 1933, but the extent to which its xenophobic populism will influence mainstream parties. At the moment the radical right is blowing its trumpet hard. But the walls of European democracy, like Jericho, are still standing.欧洲各国面临的问题,不在于极右翼势力是否会像1922年的墨索里尼(Mussolini)和1933年的希特勒(Hitler)那样上台执政,而在于排外的民粹主义会对主流政党产生多大影响。目前,极右翼正在卖力地自吹自擂。但欧洲民主的城墙就像杰里科(Jericho)一样,仍然屹立如初。 /201409/329633

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