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2019年10月14日 17:44:57 | 作者:医护问答 | 来源:新华社
Business商业报道Corporate transparency公司透明化Measuring mud离析淤积物How transparent are the worlds biggest listed companies?世界上最大的上市公司透明程度到底如何Clear envelopes have yet to catch on透明的信封,要流行还尚需时日ARE you cheating on your spouse?你正对自己的配偶不忠吗?If so, please stand up and declare it.如果是这样,请站起来承认。Total silence? What virtuous ers The Economist has.全都沉默?《经济学人》的读者是何其品德高尚啊。Trying to measure corruption is a bit like surveying adultery.尝试去测量腐败的程度就有一点像是调查婚外情。Those who indulge in it are unlikely to admit it.深陷其中的人们可不愿意主动承认。So when surveying big companies, Transparency International, an anti-corruption watchdog, asks a different question:于是调查大公司时,反腐败监管机构透明国际问了个不一样的问题:how transparent are you?你的透明程度如何?Its latest survey, “Transparency in Corporate Reporting”, looks at the worlds 105 biggest listed firms.它的最新调查“企业报告中的透明度”涵盖了世界上最大的105家上市公司。It measures three things.他衡量三方面情况。First, a companys internal rules and procedures to prevent corruption.首先是公司用于防范腐败的内部条例、流程。Second, the transparency of its organisational structure.第二是组织构架的透明度。Third, TI asks whether a firm publishes detailed financial information about its activities in every country where it operates,第三,TI将询问公司是否公布了每个它参与运营的国家中所做活动的详细财务信息,including how much it pays in taxes and royalties to each government.比如向政府交了多少税,交了多少版权费。Most firms in the sample have strict rules barring bribery.样本中的大部分企业都有严格的条例杜绝行、受贿。The average score on this count was 69%, up from 47% in , the last time TI conducted a similar exercise.这项标准的平均得分率从TI上次在年引导一个类似练习时的47%提到了现在的69%。Many firms also disclose ample details about which holding company owns which subsidiary, and so forth.许多企业还披露了哪家控股集团拥有哪家子公司等丰富的细节。Of the 105 companies, 45 scored a perfect 100% for organisational transparency.全部105家企业中,四十五家在企业透明度上的得分率都达到了完美的100%。On the third measure, however, most firms remained tight-lipped.但是在第三项指标上,许多企业都守口如瓶。This does not mean they have done anything illegal.这不表示他们就干过违法的事。Suppose a mining firm pays 10m to a government for a licence to dig.设想一个采矿业公司为了得到挖掘许可,向政府付了1000万美元。The fee may be legitimate, but the government may wish to keep it secret, to make it easier to embezzle.这项费用可能合法,但政府也可能希望在这件事上保密,让侵吞变得更容易。A company that is completely transparent may find it hard to win any more contracts from dodgy governments, which, alas, control a lot of the worlds natural resources.完全透明的公司也许会很难从乐于遮掩的政府那里赢得更多的合约,然而这些政府却控制着全世界的自然资源。Statoil, Norways state-controlled oil-and-gas firm, was by far the best performer, yet it scored only 50% on this measure.挪威的国家控股油气企业挪威国家石油公司在这项指标上只得了50%。More than a third of firms scored zero; the average was a meagre 4%.三分之一以上的企业得分为零;平均得分率只有可怜的4%。Campaigners have long complained that money from oil and minerals props up predatory governments, and lobbied firms to publish what they pay.竞选者一直在抱怨从石油和矿产得来的钱持了掠夺成性的政府,并且游说企业公布出他们付了的东西。Big Western miners and drillers have taken heed: the top five on TIs list are all involved in natural resources.西方大型挖掘与钻井公司已经留意到TI列表上的前五名都和自然资源有关。Many firms, however, are reluctant to answer probing questions from Western busybodies: Gazprom, Russias state-owned gas giant, scores zero on the first and third measures.但是许多公司不愿回答西方好事者提出的探查性问题:俄罗斯国有天然气巨头俄罗斯天燃气公司就在第一和第三问题上得分为零。TIs calculations are open to challenge.这项评估受到了挑战。Do Amazon, Google and Berkshire Hathaway deserve to be ranked near the bottom?亚马逊,谷歌,伯克希尔·哈撒韦应该排在接近底部的位置吗?Probably not.也许不是。These firms may not disclose as much as TI would like,这些企业公布的信息没有TI期待的那样多,but they are not in businesses where one is ever asked to bribe a cabinet minister to win a mining concession.但他们所处的商业环境也并不需要他们去贿赂内阁大臣以获得采矿许可。TI does a good job of focusing attention on a serious problem.TI在聚焦重要问题方面做得不错,But like The Economists adultery survey, its results should be taken with a handful of salt.但就像经济学人杂志的婚外情调查一样,其结果只应受到谨慎的参考。 /201307/248621European migration欧洲移民The great escape胜利大逃亡Emigration may not relieve pressure on wages in weak economies在经济疲软的背景下,欧洲人移民国外也许不能在工资方面缓解压力Purchasing power on the move购买力在移动TO ECONOMISTS, an “optimal currency area” is one in which the gains from sharing a single currency outweigh the costs. There is some debate as to whether the euro area qualifies.对于经济学家来说,一个“最优货币区”意味着共用同一种货币的收益要大于成本。欧元区是否符合“最优货币区”的条件,存在一些争议。Among the keys to making shared currencies work, according to Robert Mundell, the godfather of optimal-currency theory, is a mobile workforce. Countries tying the monetary knot give up the right to slash interest rates or devalue when stormclouds gather. A slump focused on just one region of the currency zone can therefore last a long time: until falling wages make hiring there attractive once more. But if the jobless can up sticks for sunnier shores, this discomfort can be curbed.根据最优货币理论的鼻祖,罗伯特.蒙代尔的理论,流动的劳动力是从统一货币的政策中获利的关键。当不利的经济信号显现时,参与实施统一货币政策的众多国家将放弃削减利率或干预货币贬值的权力。在统一货币区内,经济衰退集中在一个地区,因此,这种经济衰退会持续很长一段时间,直到这个地区的工资下降,使得招聘启事再次具有吸引力。但是如果失业者可以迁居到经济状况较好的地区,这种经济衰退就可以得到抑制。In the 1990s a few prescient critics noted that “fluidity” was not a characteristic commonly used to describe European labour markets. Just 0.35% of Europeans migrate across borders each year, compared with the nearly 2.5% of Americans leaving one state for another. The crisis boosted euro-area migration rates, but overall numbers remain small.20世纪90年代,几位有先见之明的家指出,“流动性”指标不常用来说明欧洲劳动力市场特征。每年跨国迁移的欧洲人仅有0.35%,而有近2.5%的美国人跨州迁移,两者相比,前者迁移人数很少。经济危机提升了欧元区的人口迁移比率,但总体迁移人数并不多。Immobility might not always be quite the drag academics fear, however. New research by Emmanuel Farhi of Harvard University and Iván Werning of MIT finds that although migrants out of depressed regions get the expected boost from relocation, those left behind may or may not benefit, depending on the nature of the slump.然而,人口流动停滞也许并不总是那么让学者们担心。在一项新开展的研究中,哈佛大学的Emmanuel Farhi和麻省理工的Iván Werning发现,尽管人们从经济萧条地区迁移出去可以按照预期推动迁居地的经济发展,但原住地是否能从中获益,这取决于经济衰退的性质。The problem, they note, is that departing migrants take their purchasing power with them when they go. If a regions troubles are the result of tumbling exports that is no big deal. Exporting surplus labour spares the struggling economy the need to suffer falling wages.他们指出,问题是,移民者的离去使得原住地失去了这部分人群的购买力。如果一个地区的困扰是出口严重下滑的结果,这没什么大不了的。出口剩余的劳动力使得疲弱的经济不必再遭受工资下降的打击。If instead the struggling region is facing weak domestic demand then shipping excess labour abroad does not help, because the loss of migrants spending further weakens demand. Instead, higher exports are needed to make up for insufficient domestic spending. That requires improved competitiveness—which often means lower wages.如果情况相反,经济疲弱地区正面临的是内需不足,再向国外输出过剩劳动力就无益了,因为若失去这部分移民者的购买力,则会进一步削弱内需。取而代之的解决方案应该是,需要更高的出口来弥补国内消费不足。这就需要提高竞争力,而提高竞争力通常意味着低工资。Interestingly, however much their lot improves when they move, migrants tend to judge their fortunes relative to economic conditions at home. According to a new working paper from the Institute for the Study of Labour, a German think-tank, migrants to Germanybecome glummer the better the economy in their country of origin does. But they cheer up considerably when unemployment rises at home, presumably because that confirms the wisdom of having moved. By then, they have perhaps been in Germanylong enough to learn the word Schadenfreude.有趣的是,迁移过程中,无论移民者的生活怎样改善,他们都倾向于依据家乡的经济状况来评判自己的财富状况。根据一个德国智囊团,劳动力研究所的一份新的工作报告,迁入德国的移民变得愈加愁苦,他们本国的经济就变得愈好。但是当发现本国失业率上升,他们就明显振作起来,大概是因为这明了自己当初移民是明智的抉择。到那时,他们也许已经在德国居住了很久,以至于都学会了“幸灾乐祸”这类德语单词。 /201405/299314In 1859, an unassuming Australian landowner named Thomas Austin got the hunting bug.1959年,澳大利亚一位默默无名的地主—Thomas Austin在打猎上碰到了瓶颈。Eager for something to shoot, he released twenty-four wild rabbits onto his property and had a jolly time tracking them down.在强烈的打猎欲望的催使下,他在自家的土地上放生了24头野兔。Unfortunately, some of the rabbits managed to escape and, as rabbits are known to do, began to breed like…well, rabbits.一时之间,他的一大乐趣便是找出那些兔子。可偏偏就有那么一些兔子逃了出去,做着我们所知兔子该做的事—生殖繁衍。By 1900, Austin was dead but his unwanted legacy lived on in the form of a rabbit infestation that sp throughout the entire Australian continent.1900年,Austin去世了。但是他那些让人头疼的“遗产”却已然遍布整个澳大利亚大陆,它们成群结队地袭击着一个个的庄园,让人头疼不已。Desperate landowners scrambled to captureover two million rabbits per year, but this hardly made a dent in the rabbit population.每年,农场主们能捕到超过两百万只兔子,可是,这只能算是冰山一角,区区两百万对兔子这一群体不够成任何影响。Rabbits, it seemed, had taken up permanent residence down under.就这样,兔子俨然已成澳大利亚的“常住居民”。With its long ears, twitching nose, and adorable hopping ability, the individual rabbit is fairly cute.乍看上去,长长的耳朵,抽动的鼻子和蹦蹦跳跳的可爱姿势,兔子真的是可爱得不行。Multiply that bunny by millions, however, and they begin to seem entirely sinister.当然,这只是针对一只兔子而言。如果是上百万只兔子聚在一起,那简直就是灾难。The greatAustralian rabbit infestation was ecologically devastating.澳大利亚兔子的“横行霸道”从生态学上来看简直就是毁灭性的。The buck-toothed creatures helpedextinguish nearly one-eighth of Australias native mammal species and led to the extinction ofcountless numbers of plants, leading to wide sp soil erosion.这些长着小龅牙的生物“帮助”澳大利亚八分之一的土著哺乳动物走向灭绝,顺道再让不计其数的植物从此消逝,最后的结果便是,澳大利亚严重的大面积水土流失。The Australian government tried to corral the rabbits by building so-called rabbit-proof fences across vast stretches of land.澳大利亚政府也曾圈出大片土地,围上所谓的防兔围栏,试图将兔子都赶到一个地方。Undaunted, the rabbits burrowed under.可是,这些兔子是毫无畏惧的,Finally, in the 1950s, theAustralians resorted to chemical warfare, injecting several rabbits with myxoma, an experimental virus known to target and kill rabbits.到后来的20世纪50年代,澳大利亚人终将化学药物投入了人兔大战中。人们将粘液瘤注入兔子体内,粘液瘤是一种用来杀兔子的实验用病毒。The virus sp, and the rabbit population dropped from six-hundred million to one-hundred million.随着该病毒的传播,兔子数量从6亿只急速减至1亿只。But thats still a lot of rabbits, and those with a natural resistance to the virus began breeding with a fury.但是,1亿仍是一个很大的数目。而且有些兔子天生就对这种病毒有抗体,接着这些兔子开始迅猛繁殖。And so, the rabbit wars carry on still.因而,直至今天,在澳大利亚这片土地上人兔大战仍在进行着。 /201407/310073

Science and technology科学技术The psychology of morality道德心理学Time to be honest时间让人诚实A simple experiment suggests a way to encourage truthfulness由简单实验总结出让人诚实的方法IS SIN original?难道人性本恶?That is the question addressed by Shaul Shalvi, a psychologist at the University of Amsterdam, in a paper just published in Psychological Science.阿姆斯特丹大学心理学家Shaul Shalvi在《心理科学》期刊上刚发表的一篇论文谈到了这个问题。Dr Shalvi and his colleagues, Ori Eldar and Yoella Bereby-Meyer of Ben-Gurion University in Israel, wanted to know if the impulse to cheat is something that grows or diminishes when the potential cheater has time for reflection on his actions.Shalvi士和他的来自以色列Ben-Gurion大学的同事们 Ori Eldar 和 Yoella Bereby-Meye希望知道当一个想要撒谎的人如果有时间对他的行为思考时,他们说谎的动机是增加还是降低。Is cheating, in other words, instinctive or calculating?换句话说,撒谎,是一种应激本能还是经过慢慢算计的?Appropriately, the researchers’ apparatus for their experiment was that icon of sinful activity, the gambling die.研究人员为他们的实验提供了一个很合适的实验工具,用的骰子—本身就象征着罪恶的活动。They wanted to find out whether people were more likely to lie about the result of a die roll when asked that result immediately, or when given time to think.他们想看看人们到底是在什么情况下更容易撒谎,是在需要立即报告骰子点数的情况下还是有足够的时间的情况下。To carry out their experiment, Dr Shalvi, Dr Eldar and Dr Bereby-Meyer gave each of 76 volunteers a six-sided die and a cup.为了进行实验,Ben-Gurion、 Ori Eldar 和 Yoella Bereby-Meye士为76个志愿参与实验的人每人一个六面的骰子和一个杯子。Participants were told that a number of them, chosen at random, would earn ten shekels for each pip of the numeral they rolled on the die.他们告诉参与实验的人,他们随意摇出的骰子的点数,每一点可获得10谢克尔。They were then instructed to shake their cups, check the outcome of the rolled die and remember this roll.然后参与实验的人按照规定摇骰子,检查这一轮他们摇出的点数并且记住它。Next, they were asked to roll the die two more times, to satisfy themselves that it was not loaded, and, that done, to enter the result of the first roll on a computer terminal.他们按照要求再掷两次色子,好让他们自己相信没人对这色子动过手脚,这样检查完没问题之后,他们就把第一次掷出的数字输入到电脑终端中去。Half of the participants were told to complete this procedure within 20 seconds while the others were given no time limit.他要求一半的参与者在20s之内完成,而另一半则没有时间限制。The researchers had no way of knowing what numbers participants actually rolled, of course.当然研究人员无从知晓参与者摇出的真实数字。But they knew, statistically, that the average roll, if people reported honestly, should have been 3.5.但是从统计学理论上来讲,如果人们诚实的话,那么摇出的点数的平均数字应该是3.5,This gave them a baseline from which to calculate participants’ honesty.这个原理为他们提供了判断参与实验的人是否诚实的基线。Those forced to enter their results within 20 seconds, the researchers found, reported a mean roll of 4.6.那些被要求20秒内输入他们结果的人所报告的结果的平均数是4.6,Those who were not under any time pressure reported a mean roll of 3.9.而没有时间限制的人所报告的平均点数是3.9。所以,Both groups lied, then. But those who had had more time for reflection lied less.两个组的人都撒谎了,但有时间考虑的那一半人撒谎的少一些。A second experiment confirmed this result.第二个实验也实了这个结果。A different bunch of volunteers were asked to roll the die just once.另一群志愿者只允许摇一次筛子,与Again, half were put under time pressure and, since there were no additional rolls to make, the restriction was changed from 20 seconds to eight.上次相同的是一半人必须在8秒内输入结果,而另一半则没有做时间限制,The others were allowed to consider the matter for as long as they wished.他们想思考多长时间都行。In this case the first half reported an average roll of 4.4.在这次试验中,前一半人输入的平均数字是4.4。Those given no time limit reported an average of 3.4.有充足时间思考的另一半人输入结果的平均数字是3.4.换句话说,The second lot, in other words, actually told the truth.这一半的人大部分都说了实话。The conclusion, therefore, at least in the matter of cheating at dice, is that sin is indeed original.因此,至少在骰子点数这个问题上,实验的结论是人生来的确是罪恶的。Without time for reflection, people will default to the mode labelled cheat.如果没有思考时间,人们会被预设为贴有欺骗标签的模式。Given such time, however, they will often do the right thing.然而如果给予充足的时间思考,他们通常会选择做正确的事情。If you want someone to be honest, then, do not press him too hard for an immediate decision.所以,如果你希望一个诚实,千万别为了一个立即的决定而给他太大压力。 /201307/248140

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