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宜丰县无痛隆胸手术价格樟树市垫鼻子多少钱The only thing more fallacious than damn lies are statistics, or so the saying goes.俗话说,统计数据比裸的谎言更不靠谱。This notion was on full display this weekend, after Financial Times economics editor Chris Gilespublished a blog post calling into question data used by economist Thomas Piketty in his best-selling work Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Giles analysis found several mistakes in Pikettys data, mistakes which put to doubt whether there has been an observable increase in wealth inequality in Europe and the ed States over the past 30 years.上周末就出现了这样一幕:英国《金融时报Financial Times)的经济编辑克里斯o盖斯发表了一篇文,质疑经济学家托马斯·皮凯蒂在畅销书1世纪资本论Capital in the Twenty-First Century)中使用的数据。盖斯从皮凯蒂的数据中找出了几个错,由此质疑过去30年欧美财富不平等程度到底是否出现了明显可见的加剧。Pikettys book asserts that the concentration of wealth in capitalist societies naturally grows more extreme, especially in times of low population and economic growth, so the possibility that wealth concentration hasnt really increased in the past 30 years does throw some cold water on the economists overarching theory.皮凯蒂在书中认为,资本主义的社会财富会天然地变得更加集中,特别是在人口和经济低增长时期。因此,如果过去30年财富集中度根本没有上升的话,等于给这位经济学家的中心理论泼上了一盆冷水。Many of Piketty and Giles disagreements come down to interpretation of incomplete data. One of the parts of the book that impressed economists so much was Pikettys painstaking assemblage and exploitation of years of wealth data across countries and time periods. It is not surprising, given the fact that wealth data is much less plentiful and uniform than other statistics, that there would be disagreements over what exactly these data say.皮凯蒂和盖斯的很多分歧源于对不完全数据的阐释。皮凯蒂的书有很多地方都给人们留下了深刻印象,其中之一就是皮凯蒂不厌其烦地搜罗、分析各个国家、各个时期多年的财富数据。由于财富数据不像其他统计数据那样丰富和标准化,围绕“这些数据究竟意味着什么”存在分歧也毫不奇怪。But when you take a step back and look at all the evidence, from much more reliable data on income inequality, to stagnant median wage growth, to a lack of economic mobility in America, to evidence of huge discrepancies in the quality of education offered to the rich and poor, its quite clear that modern capitalism is failing to offer a level playing field and that there are cultural and public policy changes we could work toward to make the economy better at providing for everyone.但如果大家退后一步,看看所有这些据:从可靠度较高的收入不平等数据,到停滞的中值工资增长率,美国缺乏经济流动性,再到富人和穷人所获教育质量的天壤之别。有一点很清楚,现代资本主义并不能提供一个公平竞争的舞台,我们应该推动文化和公共政策变化,让经济能更好地务于每个人。After all, Americans have not been particularly swayed by arguments concerning inequality. If anything is clear from ing Pikettys book, its that capitalist economies tend to be deeply unequal societies, even following World War II, when income inequality was at its lowest levels. But only in recent years, after it became clear that the average family hasnt gotten richer over the past generation (and that the housing bubble hit hardest those families leaning on rising home prices to compensate for this fact) that Americans started to grow dissatisfied with the distribution of wealth and income.不过,美国人并没有特别被这些不平等讨论所左右。皮凯蒂的书中有一点非常清楚,资本主义经济往往是一个高度不平等的社会,即使是在收入不平等处于最低水平的二战后也是如此。直到近年来,美国人才开始不满财富和收入的分配:过去整整一代人,普通家庭没有变得更富裕(房地产泡沫冲击最严重的是那些依赖房价上涨来弥补收入的家庭)。The above Gallup poll shows a clear trend of growing pessimism among Americans about the economy.上述盖勒普(Gallup)调查显示,美国人对于经济的悲观情绪清楚地显示为上升趋势。Debates over whether or not capitalism leads to increasing inequality, as Piketty asserts in his book, or leads to decreasing inequality, as economists had once thought, are worthwhile. But most Americans are simply concerned with whether they can feel themselves getting richer and if they have a fair shot at prosperity and security. The data clearly show that economic growth right now is being captured by the very rich, while the rest of the country is struggling to figure out how to pay for education, healthcare, and retirement.争论的一方认为资本主义导致不平等加剧,正如皮凯蒂在书中声称的那样。而另一方则认为,资本主义导致不平等减弱,正如经济学家们一度认为的那样。这样的争论自有其意义。但大多数美国人考虑的是,他们能否感觉到自己变得更富裕,是否有公平的机会获得财富和保障。数据清楚地显示,当前经济增长的好处被最富有的人占尽,其他美国人还在为付教育、医疗和养老费用发愁。Its against this backdrop that policy makers need to decide how to make entitlement programs sustainable going forward, that the wealthy must decide how much of their money to give to charity, and that business leaders must decide how much to pay their workers. Its difficult to see how small disagreements over trends in wealth concentration could affect these decisions.在这样的背景下,决策者们需要决定如何制定未来可持续的财富分配制度,富人必须决定将多少钱交给慈善,企业领导人必须决定给工人付多少工资。关于财富集中趋势的小小分歧,很难影响到这些决定 /201405/302208宜春韩美整形美容医院鼻孔外露整形牙龈外露整形外扩胸哪家便宜价格 In 2007 I made a bet with a fellow Russian businessman. The price of oil, he told me, would never drop below again. This was the consensus among oilmen at the time. And that, I thought, was the surest sign that the oil price would soon start falling.2007年,我和一位俄罗斯商人朋友打了个赌。他跟我说,油价永远不会再跌0美元以下。这种说法是当时石油商圈子里的普遍观点。但我当时认为,这就是预示油价很快将开始下跌的最肯定信号。I told my acquaintance that the oil price could easily go down to . What determines it, I said, is not supply, demand or the cost of production. Rather, what matters is the mere perception of a potential shortage.我告诉那位朋友,油价可能轻易跌至40美元。我说,决定油价的不是供需关系或生产成本,关键因素反而是对潜在短缺的纯粹感知。The price of oil stayed high only because people believed there was not enough of it to go around. But once people believe that, consumers start looking for an alternative while producers try to pump more of the stuff and then prices fall.油价维持高位,只是因为人们相信石油不够分配。但是,一旦人们相信了这一点,消费者就会开始寻找石油的替代品,石油生产商则会努力开采更多石油,然后,价格就会下跌。I am not a professional oilman and my assumptions were based not on knowledge of geology or the rate of economic growth in China, but on the simple fact that humanity usually finds a way around any obstacle in its path.我并非专业的石油商人,我的设想并非基于地质知识或中国的经济增长率,而是基于一个简单的事实,即人类在前进道路上遇到任何障碍,通常都会找到方法绕过去。While many of my colleagues in Russia and elsewhere are arguing about when the oil price may bounce back, I am convinced that we have entered a new period of low oil prices. It is like alchemy, but in reverse: black gold, a precious substance whose price was determined by its scarcity, has turned into a black, smelly liquid that makes wheels turn. It is not the first time this has happened. The price of oil was relatively stable until the 1970s brought the psychological shock of an embargo imposed by Saudi Arabia on the export of oil to America.我在俄罗斯和其他地区的很多同行都在讨论油价可能会在什么时候反弹,我却深信,我们已经进入一个低油价的全新时代。就像是把普通金属转化为黄金的炼金术一样,但过程正好反过来:石油黑-这种由稀缺程度决定价格的珍贵物质--已经变回了那种能让车轮转动的又黑又臭的液体。这并非石油第一次被打回原形。油价一直相对稳定,直到上世0年代沙特颁布禁运令,禁止石油出口美国,带来了心理冲击。In 1975, the US started its petroleum strategic reserve, contributing to the perception that oil was scarce. Oil producers saw their main objective was to guard their oligopoly. 1975年,美国启动石油战略储备,强化了石油是一种稀缺品的印象。石油生产商认为自己的主要目标就是保卫其寡头垄断地位。没人关心生产效率这类微不足道的小事——许可的分配比这重要得多。No one cared about such trifling matters as efficiency the distribution of licences was far more important. A good lobbyist was worth more to an oil company than a good engineer. To deal with this challenge, developed countries started to invest in energy saving and new technologies, and by the early 1980s this started to yield results.The ensuing fall in oil prices eventually sapped the Soviet Union of its economic lifeblood.对一家石油公司来说,一名优秀的说客比出色的工程师更有用。为了应对这个挑战,发达国家开始投资于能源节约和新技术,到上世纪80年代初,这种投资开始产生成效。随后油价下滑,最终破坏了苏联的经济命脉。Rapid economic growth in China and India in the early 2000s changed the perception about the balance between demand for oil and its scarcity. And once again developed countries with high levels of entrepreneurial freedom set themselves to work on solving the bottleneck.2000年代初,中国和印度经济快速增长,改变了人们对石油需求及其稀缺性之间平衡的认知。与此同时,拥有较高创业自由度的发达国家再一次开始为突破这一瓶颈而努力。There was no single solution, but everyone thought of something: biofuel, wind energy, oil sands, shale.虽然没有单一的解决方法,但每个人都想到了一些对策:生物能源、风胀?油砂、页岩。It was no accident that the countries that led the innovation were liberal market economies with strong property rights, while the countries that wished to thwart these efforts were resentful of competition and riddled with monopolists. They treated private property as a concession that could easily be taken away.不出意外,引领这场革新的国家都是充分保障产权的自由市场经济,而希望挫败这些努力的国家都是憎恶竞争、垄断者遍布的国家。后一种国家把私有财产视为一种很容易被拿走的特权。Political systems based on the distribution of rent demoralise people. Political regimes based on free competition motivate people. It is because of free initiative and competition that humanity can overcome bottlenecks.建立在租金分配基础上的政治制度使人民消沉,而建立在自由竞争基础上的政治体制让人民充满动力。正是因为自由创新和自由竞争,人类才得以突破一个个瓶颈。The reason America has led the way in the production of shale oil and gas is not that it has a lot of shale many other countries have a similar geology. It is that America has a lot of economic freedom.美国之所以能够引领页岩油和页岩气的生产,其原因不在于美国的页岩资源特别丰富——其他很多国家都有类似的地质条件。真正的原因在于,美国拥有极大的经济自由度。This is a precious resource that many other countries lack. Its government does not sell licences for onshore drilling. It lets people buy land, and promises that nobody can take away from you what is yours.经济自由度是一种宝贵的资源,也是其他很多国家所欠缺的。美国政府不出售陆上钻井许可,它允许人们购买土地,并承诺任何人都不能剥夺属于你的东西。The dizzying oil prices of recent years were profoundly abnormal. The fall will turn oil production into a proper business where costs and efficiency matter more than lobbying power. This stands to make the world freer and safer, by reducing the power of illiberal regimes that thrive on oil rents.最近几年油价高得让人头晕目眩,这是极度反常的。油价下滑将使石油生产行业转变为一个正常行业,一个生产成本和效率比游说能力更重要的行业。这能够削减那些靠石油租金而繁荣的不自由政体的实力,让世界变得更加自由和安全。Two years ago, I found myself in Manaus, a unique city in Brazil’s Amazonas, in the middle of the rainforest. In the late 19th century Manaus became one of the richest and most extravagant cities thanks to the rubber it had.两年前,我去了玛瑙斯Manaus),一个位于巴西亚马逊州热带雨林之中的独特城市9世纪末,玛瑙斯因为拥有橡胶而步入全世界最富有、最繁盛的城市之列。It built a splendid Belle époque-style opera house out of Italian marble with vast domes and gilded balconies. But a few years later the seeds of the rubber tree were smuggled out of the Amazon and Brazil lost its monopoly.该市用意大利大理石建造了一座“美好时代”(Belle époque,指欧洲19世纪末至一战爆发前那段和平、繁荣的时期——译者注)风格的富丽堂皇的歌剧院,拥有巨大圆顶和镀金包厢。但是,几年后橡Then the invention of artificial rubber finally buried the entire prosperity of this tropical Paris. Manaus fell into poverty, electricity generation became too expensive and the opera house went dark. It is a powerful lesson to the futility of suppressing competition.胶树的种子被私运出亚马逊雨林,巴西失去了其垄断地位。之后,人造橡胶的发明最终葬送了这座有“热带巴黎”之称的城市的繁荣。玛瑙斯陷入贫困,电力也变得过于昂贵,这座歌剧院陷入黑暗之中。玛瑙斯的教训充分明,抑制竞争是徒劳无益的。The writer is an international businessman and chairman of LetterOne Group and Alfa Group Consortium本文作者为一名跨国商人,担任LetterOne集团及阿尔法集团(Alfa Group)董事长来 /201502/357915There are few happy consequences of the emergence of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, which has swept across Iraq and Syria since the beginning of the year. A rare shaft of light, however, is to be found in the rapprochement between the two biggest branches of the Islamic mainstream.“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国ISIS)从今年初以来横扫伊拉克和叙利亚的大片土地,这个组织的诞生没有带来什么好结果。但我们将可以看到一线阳光,那就是伊斯兰教两大主流教派重新修奀?Shia and Sunni Islam have been at odds for most of the past decade. But the self-declared caliphate of terror known as Isis presents them with a common challenge. And they are beginning to put aside their differences in an effort to meet it.过去十年的大部分时间里,什叶派和逊尼派争斗不休。但自封为“恐怖哈里发国”的ISIS让两个教派面临共同的挑战。为应对这一挑战,两大教派开始搁置分歧。The grand clerics of both schools the Shia from Tehran, Qom and Najaf, and the Sunni from Riyadh and Cairo have called upon their followers to take up arms against Isis. Political leaders have also declared their support for an intensified campaign. When the Iranian and Saudi foreign ministers met in New York in September, both diplomats hailed the opening of a new chapter in relations between their countries.两大教派的高级宗教领袖——德黑兰、库姆和纳杰夫的什叶派领袖、以及利雅得和开罗的逊尼派领袖——都号召各自的信徒们拿起武器抗击ISIS。政界领袖也宣布持加大抗击ISIS的力度。伊朗和沙特两国外长9月在纽约会晤,为两国关系翻开了新的篇章欢呼。For better or worse, western countries are also engaged in this complex, onerous mission.无论后果是好是坏,西方国家也参与了这项复杂而艰巨的任务。It is of paramount importance that all parties clearly understand the differences between Sunni and Shia traditions with respect to the war on Isis and other terrorist groups that claim to find justification in Islamic doctrine.至关重要的一点是,就抗击ISIS以及其他从伊斯兰教义中为自身行为找理由的恐怖组织而言,各方务必认清逊尼派和什叶派在传统上的差异。Neither traditional Sunni nor Shia clerics would recognise Isis as their own, but the group more closely follows the model of Islamic governance suggested in the teachings of Salafism, an offshoot of the Sunni school.传统逊尼派和什叶派的神职人员都不会将ISIS视为自己人,但ISIS与萨主义(Salafism)教义主张的伊斯兰教治理模式更接近,而萨是逊尼派的一。Isis did not materialise out of thin air. Its emergence was facilitated by financial and military aid from Sunni countries that support them supplied by individuals and governments alike, and initially intended to curb the influence of Shia Iran in Syria and Iraq.ISIS并非凭空出现,它的诞生得到了逊尼派国家的资金和军事持——个人和政府都参与了持——其初衷是打压什叶派国家伊朗对叙利亚和伊拉克的影响。The two Islamic factions differ in their ways of mobilising their followers in the campaign against Isis.两大教派在动员信徒参与抗击ISIS的方式上存在差异。In Shia tradition, this is straightforward because religious leadership is centralised. For instance, Ayatollah Khamenei in Iran and Ayatollah Sistani in Iraq can issue a fatwa urging their followers to join the fight. Hundreds of thousands of their followers would take up arms without hesitation. These leaders carry with them a huge mass of support.按照什叶派传统,这种动员是直接的,因为什叶派的宗教领导权是集中的。例如,伊朗的阿亚图#8226;阿里#8226;哈梅内伊(Ayatollah Ali Khamenei)和伊拉克的“大阿雅图拉席斯塔尼Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani)可以发出教令,敦促信徒参与战斗。他们的数十万名信徒会毫不犹豫地拿起武器。这些领袖有着非常广泛的持。But under Sunni Islam there is no central authority and no hierarchy, making the issue far more complicated. That is precisely why it is possible for a charismatic, authoritarian leader to assume control of a radical movement albeit a limited one.但在逊尼派中不存在中央集权,也没有宗教学者等级制度,因此问题要复杂得多。这恰恰就是使得一个富有魅力的威权领袖有可能控制一个激进运动团体(尽管控制力有限)的原因。This decentralisation gives the extremists latitude to develop their own ing and understanding of jihad. In the absence of central authority, preventing fundamentalist Sunni Muslims is a daunting task. So is thwarting financial or political support of extremists by this non-governmental force in the Sunni world.这种非中央集权的特点让极端分子能够对圣战做自己的解读和理解。没有中央宗教权威,使得遏制原教旨主义逊尼派穆斯林的任务变得极其艰巨。阻止逊尼派世界这股非政府势力为极端分子提供资金和政治持,也同样不容易。Major governmental Sunni players in the region, namely Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey have taken contrasting approaches towards extremist groups. Qatar’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood created friction with Saudi Arabia and tensions have also appeared between Turkey and Saudi Arabia over their support for opposed currents of extremism in Syria and Egypt.该地区的主要逊尼派国家,也就是沙特、卡塔尔和土耳其,对不同的极端主义团体采取了相互矛盾的对待方式。卡塔尔因为持穆斯林兄弟会(Muslim Brotherhood)与沙特产生擦,土耳其和沙特也因为持叙利亚和埃及相互对立的极端主义潮流而关系紧张。The coalition built by America to check the advance of Isis must pay careful attention to these facts.美国牵头建立旨在阻止ISIS发展的联盟,必须注意上述事实。Sunni players in the region should be urged to cut their support for the terrorist groups. International measures should be taken to prevent sympathisers elsewhere from providing financial or material support. A co-ordinated approach was largely successful in starving al-Qaeda of support.必须敦促该地区的逊尼派势力停止持恐怖主义团体。国际社会必须采取措施,防止其他地方的同情者为这些团体提供资金或物资持。在切断外界对基地组al-Qaeda)持的努力中,各方合作的方式就在很大程度上取得了成功。Violent extremism that claims to act in the name of Islam has emerged as a monster that may come back and haunt Sunni states. But this threat has also created an opportunity. Shia and Sunni Muslims now face a common, grievous enemy. They must settle their differences and confront the danger together before events spiral even further out of control.打着伊斯兰教旗号的暴力极端主义魔鬼已经诞生,可能会回过头来袭扰逊尼派国家。但这种威胁也创造了一个机会。什叶派和逊尼派穆斯林眼下面对一个共同的可怕敌人。两派必须在事态进一步失控之前解决分歧、共同面对危险。For the Sunni states to succeed in this mission, difficult as it may be, they should put their differences aside and unify against the dark forces that threaten their stability and even their existence.逊尼派国家要完成这项任务,就必须抛开分歧,团结起来——尽管做到这些很困难——共同反抗威胁本国稳定、乃至带来亡国威胁的黑暗势力。The west particularly the US, as the leader of this coalition should recognise that as things stand the only unified actors in the Islamic world are the Shia. This force cannot be ignored. It should assume its proper place as the pillar of this vital campaign.西方、尤其是领导联盟的美国应该认识到,就眼下的情况来看,伊斯兰世界里唯一团结的力量就是什叶派,决不能忽视这股力量。什叶派应该在这场关键的战斗中扮演起应有的角色,充当顶梁柱。The writer, a former Iranian diplomat, is author of ‘Iran and the ed States: An Insider’s View on the Failed Past and the Road to Peace’注:本文作者是伊朗前外交官,著有《伊朗和美国:一个局内人对失败的过去与和平之路的看法Iran and the ed States: An Insider’s View on the Failed Past and the Road to Peace)一书。来 /201410/339277江西省宜春市第二人民医院丰脸v脸磨骨面颊哪家便宜价格

靖安县妇幼保健人民医院太田痣鲜红斑痣点痣切痣痣价格A former top general in Myanmar’s military junta has pledged to work with Aung San Suu Kyi’s opposition after landmark elections, in a sign of the likely political flux that will follow Sunday’s historic parliamentary vote.缅甸前军政府的一名高级将领承诺,在具有里程碑意义的大选之后,他将跟昂山素Aung San Suu Kyi)领导的反对党合作。这表明,在周日的历史性议会选举之后,缅甸政治格局很可能发生变化。Thura Shwe Mann, who was toppled as ruling party chairman in a palace coup in August, pointed to the popularity of Ms Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy and said he would co-operate with her in the national interest.瑞曼(Thura Shwe Mann)看重的是昂山素季领导的全国民主联NLD)的受欢迎程度。他说,他将以符合国家利益的方式跟昂山素季合作。今月,在一场“宫廷政变”中,瑞曼被赶下执政党主席的宝座。The comments by the former number three in the dictatorship that stepped down in 2011 highlight the unusual alliances springing up as the battle between Myanmar’s military and civilian politicians mixes with personal ambitions. Until his exit, Mr Shwe Mann had been viewed as Ms Suu Kyi’s probable choice for the presidency in the event of an NLD victory, given that she is constitutionally barred from the top job herself.在前军政府(2011年倒台)中,瑞曼是第三号人物。他的上述言论凸显出,当缅甸军方和文职两派政客间的斗争与个人抱负交织在一起时,可能催生的非同寻常的同盟关系。直到退出之前,瑞曼一直被认为是若全民盟胜选很可能会被昂山素季选中出任总统的人。根据缅甸宪法,昂山素季本人没有资格担任总统。“The NLD has got the strongest support from the people,Mr Shwe Mann told Reuters, in his first international media interview since he was deposed as Union Solidarity and Development party chairman. “Whenever Aung San Suu Kyi and I meet, we always talk about working together for the stability and development of the country.”“全民盟获得了人民的最强大持,”瑞曼对路透社(Reuters)表示。这是他被免除联邦巩固与发展USDP)主席职务后首次接受国际媒体采访。“我和昂山素季在每一次会面时,都会谈到为了国家的稳定与发展而合作。”The ex-general also made it clear he would still be open to becoming president if nominated as one of the three candidates that will be put to a parliamentary vote after the election. If Ms Suu Kyi’s party does well in Sunday’s poll, it may have the upper hand in choosing the president, even though it is handicapped by the guaranteed 25 per cent of legislative seats held by the military.这位前将军还明确表示,若在选举之后被提名为三位将由议会投票表决的候选人之一,他仍愿考虑出任总统。如果昂山素季的政党在周日的选举中获胜,该党或许会在选择总统方面占据优势,尽管法定由军方拥有5%的议会席位会对此造成妨碍。Ms Suu Kyi is blocked from the presidency because her two sons by her late British husband have foreign passports.昂山素季无资格担任总统,是因为她跟已故英国丈夫所生的两个儿子持有外国护照。来 /201511/408534宜春市人民医院上眼皮松弛整形面部松弛整形上睑松弛整形多少钱 American media flocked to the small town of Fairfield, Iowa, last week for one of the strangest scenes in the US presidential race: the Iowa State Fair.上周美国媒体蜂拥进入爱荷华州小镇费尔菲尔德,因为这里正在上演美国大选最新奇的一幕之一——爱荷华州览会。The 10-day festivity, which ended on Aug 23, is a popular campaign stop for presidential hopefuls. But it’s not the candidatespolitics that fall under scrutiny at the fair. It’s the politics of food.这场为期10天的盛会3日落幕,它是美国总统候选人十分青睐的选战之地。不过在这儿被大众审视的不是候选人的政治主张,而是食物的政治。Choking down the fair’s fatty food has become a kind of test, measuring each candidate’s ability to level with the common folk. And with hawk-like precision, the media catalogues each and every morsel that enters their mouths, down to the calorie.能否吞下览会上肥腻的食物已经成了考验候选人是否能对选民以诚相待的方式。媒体则像敏锐的雄鹰一样打量着每个候选人吃下去的每一口食物,包括食物的热量。Headlines last week roared that Republican candidate Jeb Bush broke his diet by eating a 445-calorie, deep-fried Snickers candy bar. And everyone from Hillary Clinton to Donald Trump bit on the fair’s most famous offering, the pork chop on a stick, as cameras flashed around them.上周新闻头条大肆渲染了共和党候选人杰布布什一反自己的日常饮食习惯,吃了一45大卡的油炸士力架。从希拉里克林顿到唐纳德礠湲朗,当摄像机在他们面前闪烁的时候,每个人在吃着览会上最著名的猪排。All the while, the candidates find themselves surrounded by cattle competitions, cooking contests and life-sized carvings made of butter. It is a celebration of the USfood traditions–but what do those traditions say about the country and its candidates?候选人时刻都置身于赛牛、厨艺比赛、真人大小的黄油雕刻之中。这是一场美国饮食传统的盛典,不过这些传统传达出美国和她的总统候选人什么样的信息呢?Iowa is an agricultural hub, producing more corn and eggs than any other state. Yet, for a state renowned for growing fresh food, its fair is best known for its fried foods. Anything that can be fried will be: pie, pickles, butter, cookies–and the list goes on.爱荷华州是美国的农业中心,这里是美国玉米和鸡蛋的最大的产地。然而这个以生产新鲜食物闻名的州,却有一个以油炸食物著称的览会。在这儿,任何食物都能油炸:派、咸菜、黄油、饼干……被油炸的食物还会越来越多。Eat poorly and be humble吃垃圾食品和保持谦逊But beware the backlash should a politician give up the fatty treats. In 2012, former Texas governor Rick Perry was ridiculed for daring to choose a vegetarian corn dog. And reporters keenly noted how Jeb Bush threw out half of his deep-fried Snickers this year.不过要是一个政客敢不买油乎乎食品的账,后果可能很严重012年,前德克萨斯州州长里克椠里(Rick Perry)就因为选了一个素食玉米热而受到无情的嘲讽。这一次,敏锐的媒体也注意到杰布布什扔掉了半个油炸士力架。Candidates craft their public images to appear humble and folksy. And a candidate’s willingness to swallow the fair’s unhealthy food serves as an indicator, to see if their actions match their carefully constructed public image.候选人精心打造自己谦逊、亲和的公众形象。而他们是否愿意吞下览会上的垃圾食品则被视为评价指标,衡量他们的行为是否与其精心营造的公众形象相符。In the US, eating healthy can be seen as a mark of elitism. Michael Pollan, author of The Omnivore’s Dilemma, put it simply: “It is a fact that to eat healthily in this country ... costs more than it does to eat poorly.Processed foods are often cheaper than fresh fruits and vegetables, and more widely available.在美国,健康饮食被视为精英主义的标志之一。《杂食者的困境》一书的作者迈克尔波伦(Michael Pollan)一针见血地指出:“事实上,在美国吃健康食品比吃垃圾食品贵得多。”加工食品通常比新鲜果蔬便宜,且更容易买到。The fair’s food also gives contenders the opportunity to stand apart from the Barack Obama administration, which championed healthy lifestyles. By sinking their teeth into the fatty food, the 2016 candidates are taking a decisive bite against their predecessor’s ideals.览会上的食物也给了这些总统宝座的角逐者同奥巴马政权划清界限的机会,因为后者倡导健康的生活方式。当本届总统候选人大快朵颐那些肥腻食物的时候,他们已经果断地偏离了奥巴马的理念。The purpose of agricultural fairs was originally to “display abundance historian Megan Elias told the B. Blue ribbons were given to the fattest cow, the largest pumpkin.农业览会设立的初衷是为了“展示该地的富饶”,历史学家梅根伊莱亚斯告诉英国广播公司(B)。最肥硕的奶牛和最大的南瓜会被授予蓝丝带。The ed States was built on down-home values and capitalist consumption. And the Iowa State Fair allows presidential candidates to unleash that all-American zeal–at least until the fair’s end. Then it’s back to the diet, Mr Bush.美国是建立在乡土价值观和资本主义消费观之上的国家。爱荷华州览会向总统候选人提供了释放这一美式热诚的舞台,至少到览会结束。然后布什先生可以继续有节制地饮食了。来 /201509/396732宜春祛除色素痣费用是多少

宜春韩美医院整形美容中心好不好 The Catalan parliament declared on Monday that the region is no longer subject to Spain and its institutions, dramatically raising the stakes in the long-running struggle over Catalonia’s political future.加泰罗尼亚议会周一宣告该地区不再从属于西班牙及其机构。此举大幅提升了围绕加泰罗尼亚政治未来的长期斗争的赌注。The government has said it will challenge the resolution, which has no immediate legal effect, in Spain’s constitutional court.西班牙政府表示,将在西班牙宪法法庭挑战这项并不马上具有法律效应的决议。But independence leaders nevertheless hailed it as a landmark moment, insisting that Catalonia was now moving full steam ahead towards secession.不过,持独立的领导人欢呼该决议是一个里程碑式的时刻,他们坚称加泰罗尼亚正向着脱离西班牙全速前进。“This is a country on the move, advancing towards a better future. No legal complaint and no threat can stand in the way of the heartfelt desire of thousands,said Artur Mas, the Catalan president. Anna Gabriel, a lawmaker from the far-left pro-independence CUP movement said: “For us, this means the rupture with Spanish legality.”加泰罗尼亚总统阿图尔氠Artur Mas)表示:“这个国家正在行动之中,向着更加美好的未来前进。任何法律申诉和威胁,都阻挡不住千万人的夙愿。”持独立的极左翼政党——人民团结候选人CUP)议员安娜加夫列尔(Anna Gabriel)表示:“对我们来说,这意味着在法律上与西班牙决裂。”来 /201511/409104宜春祛痘印哪家医院好宜春热玛吉紧肤除皱



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