襄阳枣阳妇幼保健院中医院治疗子宫内膜炎怎么样39诊疗

来源:搜狐娱乐
原标题: 襄阳枣阳妇幼保健院中医院治疗子宫内膜炎怎么样天涯指南
Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the ed States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the ed States. That's the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we're not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was ing Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important e which I think is most apropos for you. He says, "All criticism is a[n] autobiography." Dig yourself. Okay.The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself.sup1; Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught and incarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves.In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You stand condemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they're built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration," and that some negroes have been walking down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnettsup2;; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clarksup3;; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy. Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this country does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone. Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn't know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, "He’s a human being; don’t stop him." That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, "When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him." That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn't because of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; it's not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the ed States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemn the country for what it's done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call "modern-day Peace Corps missionaries," and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, 'cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: 'cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, 'cause if that were true, you’d have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word "Black Power" -- and let them address themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That's white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one was automatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a downright lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we're apathetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, not because we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: "You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us." And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there's going to be any integration, it's going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man's ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it's a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.Now we maintain that we cannot be afford to be concerned about 6 percent of the children in this country, black children, who you allow to come into white schools. We have 94 percent who still live in shacks. We are going to be concerned about those 94 percent. You ought to be concerned about them too. The question is, Are we willing to be concerned about those 94 percent? Are we willing to be concerned about the black people who will never get to Berkeley, who will never get to Harvard, and cannot get an education, so you’ll never get a chance to rub shoulders with them and say, "Well, he’s almost as good as we are; he’s not like the others"? The question is, How can white society begin to move to see black people as human beings? I am black, therefore I am; not that I am black and I must go to college to prove myself. I am black, therefore I am. And don’t deprive me of anything and say to me that you must go to college before you gain access to X, Y, and Z. It is only a rationalization for one's oppression.The -- The political parties in this country do not meet the needs of people on a day-to-day basis. The question is, How can we build new political institutions that will become the political expressions of people on a day-to-day basis? The question is, How can you build political institutions that will begin to meet the needs of Oakland, California? And the needs of Oakland, California, is not 1,000 policemen with submachine guns. They don't need that. They need that least of all. The question is, How can we build institutions where those people can begin to function on a day-to-day basis, where they can get decent jobs, where they can get decent houses, and where they can begin to participate in the policy and major decisions that affect their lives? That’s what they need, not Gestapo troops, because this is not 1942, and if you play like Nazis, we playing back with you this time around. Get hip to that.The question then is, How can white people move to start making the major institutions that they have in this country function the way it is supposed to function? That is the real question. And can white people move inside their own community and start tearing down racism where in fact it does exist? Where it exists. It is you who live in Cicero and stop us from living there. It is white people who stop us from moving into Grenada. It is white people who make sure that we live in the ghettos of this country. it is white institutions that do that. They must change. In order -- In order for America to really live on a basic principle of human relationships, a new society must be born. Racism must die, and the economic exploitation of this country of non-white peoples around the world must also die -- must also die.Now there are several programs that we have in the South, most in poor white communities. We're trying to organize poor whites on a base where they can begin to move around the question of economic exploitation and political disfranchisement. We know -- we've heard the theory several times -- but few people are willing to go into there. The question is, Can the white activist not try to be a Pepsi generation who comes alive in the black community, but can he be a man who’s willing to move into the white community and start organizing where the organization is needed? Can he do that? The question is, Can the white society or the white activist disassociate himself with two clowns who waste time parrying with each other rather than talking about the problems that are facing people in this state? Can you dissociate yourself with those clowns and start to build new institutions that will eliminate all idiots like them.And the question is, If we are going to do that when and where do we start, and how do we start? We maintain that we must start doing that inside the white community. Our own personal position politically is that we don't think the Democratic Party represents the needs of black people. We know it don't. And that if, in fact, white people really believe that, the question is, if they’re going to move inside that structure, how are they going to organize around a concept of whiteness based on true brotherhood and based on stopping exploitation, economic exploitation, so that there will be a coalition base for black people to hook up with? You cannot form a coalition based on national sentiment. That is not a coalition. If you need a coalition to redress itself to real changes in this country, white people must start building those institutions inside the white community. And that is the real question, I think, facing the white activists today. Can they, in fact, begin to move into and tear down the institutions which have put us all in a trick bag that we’ve been into for the last hundred years?I don't think that we should follow what many people say that we should fight to be leaders of tomorrow. Frederick Douglass said that the youth should fight to be leaders today. And God knows we need to be leaders today, 'cause the men who run this country are sick, are sick. So that can we on a larger sense begin now, today, to start building those institutions and to fight to articulate our position, to fight to be able to control our universities -- We need to be able to do that -- and to fight to control the basic institutions which perpetuate racism by destroying them and building new ones? That’s the real question that face us today, and it is a dilemma because most of us do not know how to work, and that the excuse that most white activists find is to run into the black community.Now we maintain that we cannot have white people working in the black community, and we mean it on a psychological ground. The fact is that all black people often question whether or not they are equal to whites, because every time they start to do something, white people are around showing them how to do it. If we are going to eliminate that for the generation that comes after us, then black people must be seen in positions of power, doing and articulating for themselves, for themselves.That is not to say that one is a reverse racist; it is to say that one is moving in a healthy ground; it is to say what the philosopher Sartre says: One is becoming an "antiracist racist." And this country can’t understand that. Maybe it's because it's all caught up in racism. But I think what you have in SNCC is an anti-racist racism. We are against racists. Now if everybody who is white see themself [sic] as a racist and then see us against him, they're speaking from their own guilt position, not ours, not ours.Now then, the question is, How can we move to begin to change what's going on in this country. I maintain, as we have in SNCC, that the war in Vietnam is an illegal and immoral war. And the question is, What can we do to stop that war? What can we do to stop the people who, in the name of our country, are killing babies, women, and children? What can we do to stop that? And I maintain that we do not have the power in our hands to change that institution, to begin to recreate it, so that they learn to leave the Vietnamese people alone, and that the only power we have is the power to say, "Hell no!" to the draft.We have to say -- We have to say to ourselves that there is a higher law than the law of a racist named McNamara. There is a higher law than the law of a fool named Rusk. And there's a higher law than the law of a buffoon named Johnson. It’s the law of each of us. It's the law of each of us. It is the law of each of us saying that we will not allow them to make us hired killers. We will stand pat. We will not kill anybody that they say kill. And if we decide to kill, we're going to decide who we going to kill. And this country will only be able to stop the war in Vietnam when the young men who are made to fight it begin to say, "Hell, no, we ain’t going."Now then, there's a failure because the Peace Movement has been unable to get off the college campuses where everybody has a 2S and not going to get drafted anyway. And the question is, How can you move out of that into the white ghettos of this country and begin to articulate a position for those white students who do not want to go. We cannot do that. It is something -- sometimes ironic that many of the peace groups have beginning to call us violent and say they can no longer support us, and we are in fact the most militant organization [for] peace or civil rights or human rights against the war in Vietnam in this country today. There isn’t one organization that has begun to meet our stance on the war in Vietnam, 'cause we not only say we are against the war in Vietnam; we are against the draft. We are against the draft. No man has the right to take a man for two years and train him to be a killer. A man should decide what he wants to do with his life.So the question then is it becomes crystal clear for black people because we can easily say that anyone fighting in the war in Vietnam is nothing but a black mercenary, and that's all he is. Any time a black man leaves the country where he can’t vote to supposedly deliver the vote for somebody else, he’s a black mercenary. Any time a -- Any time a black man leaves this country, gets shot in Vietnam on foreign ground, and returns home and you won’t give him a burial in his own homeland, he’s a black mercenary, a black mercenary.And that even if I were to believe the lies of Johnson, if I were to believe his lies that we're fighting to give democracy to the people in Vietnam, as a black man living in this country I wouldn’t fight to give this to anybody. I wouldn't give it to anybody. So that we have to use our bodies and our minds in the only way that we see fit. We must begin like the philosopher Camus to come alive by saying "No!" That is the only act in which we begin to come alive, and we have to say "No!" to many, many things in this country.200806/41378Fellow Citizens: I appear before you this day to take the solemn oath;that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the ed States, and will to the best of my ability preserve,protect, and defend the Constitution of the ed States.;同胞们:我今天在你们面前庄严宣誓:“我将忠诚地执行美国总统的职务,并将尽我所能来维持,捍卫和守护美国的宪法。”In entering upon this great office I must humbly invoke the God of our fathers for wisdom, and firmness to execute its high and responsible duties in such a manner as to restore harmony, and ancient friendship among the people of the several States and to preserve our free institution throughout many generations.在担任这一伟大职务时我谦恭地祈求我们先驱上帝给予我智慧,持以助我执行这高尚的责任,在各州的人民中重建和谐,和古老的友谊并千秋万代维护我们的自由组织。Convinced that I owe my election to the inherent love for the Constitution and the Union which still animates the hearts of the American people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support in sustaining all just measures calculated to perpetuate these,the richest political blessings which Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation.深信我的当选应归功于热爱宪法和仍扣动美国人民心弦的联邦。让我诚恳地请求他们强有力的持来维护所有正当的旨在使上天给予我们祖国的丰富政治祝福得以永远的措施。Having determined not to become a candidate for reelection, I shall have no motive to influence my conduct in administering the Government except the desire ably, and faithfully to serve my country and to live in grateful memory of my countrymen.我已决定不再竞选连任,我在除了要有效和无任何能影响我执行的动机。忠心地务我的祖国并在同胞中留下美好记忆。The whole Territorial question being thus settled upon the principle of popular sovereignty, a principle as ancient as free government itself everything of a practical nature has been decided.整个领土问题在公众主权的原则下得以解决——一个和政府一样古老的原则——任何实际意义的事件都被解决了。No other question remains for adjustment,because all agree that under the Constitution slavery in the States in beyond the reach of any human power, except that of the respective States themselves where in it exists.没有其它问题等待修正,因为人们都认同在宪法下各州的奴隶制问题非任何人民力量所可及,除非由各州自身解决。May we not,then,hope that the long agitation on this subject is approaching its end, and that the geographical parties to which it has given birth, so much ded by the Father of his Country,will speedily become extinct?于是我们不可希望这长期骚动的问题正在终结,地理上的分裂会很快消除。也不可希望由它所造成的,会使我们的先父很痛恨的。Most happy will it be for the country when the public mind shall be diverted from this question to other of more pressing and practical importance.最可幸的是公众意识会从这一问题转向其它更紧要更现实的问题上。Throughout the whole progress of this agitation, which has scarcely know any intermission for more than twenty years.在整个过程中,这场二十多年内罕有间断的骚动的,whilst it has been productive of no positive good to any human being it has been the prolific source of great evils to the master, to the slave,and to the whole country.它对任何人没有产生任何善果,它却成了对主人、奴仆和整个国家造成万恶的源泉。It has alienated and estranged the people of the sister States from each other, and has even seriously endangered the very existence of the Union.它把兄弟州相互分离隔开,甚至严重危及联邦的生存。Nor has the danger yet entirely ceased.这危险至今尚未完全停止。Under our system there is a remedy for all mere political evils in the sound sense and sober judgment of the people.在我们的体制下,人民的坚实理智和清醒判断会造成对所有政治邪恶的拯救。Time is a great corrective.时间是最好的纠正。Political subjects which but a few years ago excited and exasperated the public mind have passed away and are now nearly forgotten.几年前还激动并恼怒公众意识的政治问题已经逝去,并被忘记。But this question of domestic slavery is of far graver importance than any mere political question, because should the agitation continue it may eventually endanger the personal safety of a large portion of our countrymen where the institution exists.但这一国内奴隶制的问题比一个仅仅政治上的问题更为重要。因为如果这场骚动继续下去,它可能会最终危及此体制所存在之处的我们同胞中一大部分的人身安全。In that event no form of government,however admirable in itself and however productive of material benefits, can compensate for the loss of peace and domestic security around the family altar.如果那样,不管是如何值得赞赏,如何生产出巨大物质财富的政府形式都,无法补偿和平和家庭安全的丧失。02/86640

President Bush Meets with President Barzani of the Kurdistan Regional Government PRESIDENT BUSH: President Barzani, welcome back to the Oval Office. It's been a while since we have seen each other, but we have talked on the phone quite frequently -- and the reason why is because you've played a very instrumental part in the development of a free Iraq. And I thank you for your leadership and I thank you for your personal friendship.We had a discussion today on several major topics. We talked about the progress on the election law and on the hydrocarbon law, but we also talked about the status of forces agreement, called the SOFA. President Barzani has been a very strong advocate of the Iraqi government passing the SOFA, and I appreciate that.I informed the President we received amendments today from the government. We're analyzing those amendments. We obviously want to be helpful and constructive without undermining basic principles. And I remain very hopeful and confident that the SOFA will get passed. And Mr. President, you get a lot of credit for your leadership on that issue.So I'm proud to welcome you back here. Again, I thank you very much for your courage and your leadership.PRESIDENT BARZANI: (As translated.) Thank you very much, Mr. President. It's good that there has been another opportunity for us to visit with you again. I am here to convey the gratitude of the Iraqi people in general and the people of Kurdistan, in particular, for the brave decision that you've made to rid us of this dictatorship.We are very grateful for all the brave souls, women and men in uniform, who gave their dear lives in the process. And we are very grateful to the American people and to you, Mr. President, for this sacrifice.And despite the fact that there remain some major problems, we have also to look at all the big achievements that have been made thus far. Let's look at the elections and the constitution that has been ratified. So these are major achievements that we are proud of. And we are determined to solve all the problems that still exist, according to the constitution.And in terms of SOFA, we do believe that it is in the interest of the Iraqi government, it's in the interest of this country, and we have been and we will continue to support it and support its ratification.Thank you very much, Mr. President.PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, sir.200810/54536

the dictates of religion direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and friendly relations with all other powers.和高于一切的宗教指令都引导我们来培育同其它政权的和平友好关系。It is to be hoped that no international question can now arise which a government confident in its own strength,我们希望任何当今发生的国际问题,一个自信其力量并决心保护其权利的政府都能够,and resolved to protect its own just rights may not settle by wise negotiation;通过明智的谈判来解决;and it eminently becomes a government like our own,founded on the morality,and intelligence of its citizens and upheld by their affections,它变得更象我们自己的政府,以其公民的美德和智慧为基础,to exhaust every resort of honorable diplomacy before appealing to arms.由他们的爱戴所维护,在借助于武力之前用尽所有体面的外交手段。In the conduct of our foreign relations I shall conform to these views,在我们的外交事务中,我将遵从这些观点,as I believe them essential to the best interests and the true honor of the country.因为我相信它们对国家的最高利益和真正荣誉非常重要。The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate and honorous duties.赋予总统的任命权力带有微妙而沉重的责任。So far as it is possible to be informed,I shall make honesty,capacity,尽我所能得知的,我将以正直,and fidelity indispensable prerequisites to the bestowal of office,能力和忠诚作为授予官职的前提条件,and the absence of either these qualities shall be deemed sufficient cause for removal.而缺少其中的任何一个都被认为是解职的充分理由。It shall be my study to recommend such constitutional measures to Congress as may be neccessary,and proper我将调研并向国会推荐那些必要而正当的合乎宪法的措施,to secure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture,commerce,and manufactures,来鼓励和保护农业,商业to improve our rivers and harbors,to provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt,和制造业的重大利益,改变我们的河流和港湾,尽快清偿公共债务,to enforce a strict accountability on the part of all officers of the Government and the utmost economy in all public expenditures;对所有的政府官员实行严格的责任制并在公共预算中严谨节约;but it is for the wisdom of Congress itself,in which all legislative powers are vested by the Constitution,但被宪法赋以所有立法权的国会要靠自己的智慧来,to regulate these and other matters of domestic policy.调控这些和其它国内政策。I shall look with confidence to the enlightened patriotism of that body to adopt such measures of conciliation as may harmonize conflicting interests,我将有信心信赖这一政体的开明爱国精神来采纳这些协商的措施,旨在协调矛盾的利益,and tend to perpetuate that Union which should be the paramount object of our hopes and affections.和永远保持我们所希望和热爱的联邦。In any action calculated to promote an object so near the heart of everyone who truly loves his country I will zealously unite with the coordinate branches of the Government.我将把任何符合真正爱国人民心愿,旨在改进的行为,和相应的政府部门联合起来。In conclusion I congratulate you,my fellow citizens,我的同胞,最后我向你们祝贺,upon the high state of prosperity to which the goodness of Divine Providence has conducted our common country.慈祥神圣眷顾所赐予我们共同祖国的高度繁荣。Let us invoke a continuance of the same protecting care which has led us from small beginnings to the eminence we this day occupy,让我们祈求这引导我们从微小的开始到达今日的显赫的保护和关心会得以继续。and let us seek to deserve that continuance by prudence and moderation in our councils,并让我们通过我们的谨慎和节制,by well_directed attempts to assuage the bitterness which too often marks unavoidable differences of opinion,正确地试图消除由不同意见难免引起的怨恨,by the promulgation and practice of just and liberal principles,and by an enlarged patriotism,推广和实践公正而自由的原则,来使我们赢得这种保护的继续。which shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own widesp Republic.以及一个在我们自己广阔共和国内没有界限的广泛爱国精神。02/436484

but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.而必须按照有权享有该项务或劳役当事人的要求,将其引渡。”It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;毫无疑问,按照制订这一条款的人的意图,此项规定实际指的就是,对我们所说的逃亡奴隶有权索回;and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.而法律制订人的这一意图实际已成为法律。All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution—to this provision as much as to any other.国会的所有议员都曾宣誓遵守宪法中的一切条款——对这一条和其它各条并无两样。To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ;shall be delivered up; their oaths are unanimous.因此,关于适合这一条款规定的奴隶应“将其引渡”这一点,他们的誓言是完全一致的。Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?那么现在如果他们心平气和地作一番努力,他们难道不能以几乎同样完全一致的誓言,制订一项法律,以使他们的共同誓言得以实施吗?There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.究竟这一条款应该由国家当局,还是由州当局来执行,大家的意见还不完全一致;但可以肯定地说,这种分歧并不是什么十分重要的问题。If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.只要奴隶能被交还,那究竟由哪一个当局来交还,对奴隶或对别的人来说,没有什么关系。And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?任何人,在任何情况下,也决不会因为应以何种方式来实。现他的誓言这样一个无关紧要的争执,他便会认为完全可以不遵守自己的誓言吧?Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced,另外,在任何有关这一问题的法律中,应不应该把文明和人道法学中关于自由的各项保都写上,so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave?以防止在任何情况下使一个自由人被作为奴隶交出吗?And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that同时,宪法中还有一条规定,明确保“每一州的公民都享有其它各州公民所享有公民的一切特权和豁免权”,the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States;?我们用法律保使这一条文得以执行,那不是更好吗?I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;我今天在这里正式宣誓,思想上决无任何保留,也决无意以任何过于挑剔的标准来解释宪法或法律条文。and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced,我现在虽不打算详细指出国会的哪些法令必须要遵照执行;I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations,但我建议,我们大家,不论以个人身份还是以公职人员的身份,to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.为了有更多的安全,我们最好从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令,而不要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法,便可以逃脱罪责,而对它们公然违反。It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来,七十二年已经过去了。During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.在这期间,十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功。02/436501The White HouseOffice of the Press SecretaryFor Immediate Release April 22, 2010 Remarks by the President on Wall Street ReformCooper Union, New York, New York11:50 A.M. EDTDownload Video: mp4 (326MB) | mp3 (24MB) THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Everybody, please have a seat. Thank you very much. Well, thank you. It is good to be back. (Applause.) It is good to be back in New York, it is good to be back in the Great Hall at Cooper Union. (Applause.) We’ve got some special guests here that I want to acknowledge. Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney is here in the house. (Applause.) Governor David Paterson is here. (Applause.) Attorney General Andrew Cuomo. (Applause.) State Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli is here. (Applause.) The Mayor of New York City, Michael Bloomberg. (Applause.) Dr. George Campbell, Jr., president of Cooper Union. (Applause.) And all the citywide elected officials who are here. Thank you very much for your attendance.It is wonderful to be back in Cooper Union, where generations of leaders and citizens have come to defend their ideas and contest their differences. It’s also good to be back in Lower Manhattan, a few blocks from Wall Street. (Laughter.) It really is good to be back, because Wall Street is the heart of our nation’s financial sector.Now, since I last spoke here two years ago, our country has been through a terrible trial. More than 8 million people have lost their jobs. Countless small businesses have had to shut their doors. Trillions of dollars in savings have been lost -- forcing seniors to put off retirement, young people to postpone college, entrepreneurs to give up on the dream of starting a company. And as a nation we were forced to take unprecedented steps to rescue the financial system and the broader economy.And as a result of the decisions we made -- some of which, let’s face it, were very unpopular -- we are seeing hopeful signs. A little more than one year ago we were losing an average of 750,000 jobs each month. Today, America is adding jobs again. One year ago the economy was shrinking rapidly. Today the economy is growing. In fact, we’ve seen the fastest turnaround in growth in nearly three decades.But you’re here and I’m here because we’ve got more work to do. Until this progress is felt not just on Wall Street but on Main Street we cannot be satisfied. Until the millions of our neighbors who are looking for work can find a job, and wages are growing at a meaningful pace, we may be able to claim a technical recovery -- but we will not have truly recovered. And even as we seek to revive this economy, it’s also incumbent on us to rebuild it stronger than before. We don’t want an economy that has the same weaknesses that led to this crisis. And that means addressing some of the underlying problems that led to this turmoil and devastation in the first place.Now, one of the most significant contributors to this recession was a financial crisis as dire as any we’ve known in generations -- at least since the ’30s. And that crisis was born of a failure of responsibility -- from Wall Street all the way to Washington -- that brought down many of the world’s largest financial firms and nearly dragged our economy into a second Great Depression.It was that failure of responsibility that I spoke about when I came to New York more than two years ago -- before the worst of the crisis had unfolded. It was back in 2007. 201004/102150

President Bush Attends Celebration of Greek Independence Day   THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Your Eminence, thank you very much. Welcome to the White House. I'm always open for a few suggestions. (Laughter.) You're an easy man to listen to.   And I want to thank you all for coming. Here we are to celebrate the 187th anniversary of Greek independence. And it's an interesting place to celebrate it, isn't it? You know, the White House is a great symbol for independence and freedom and liberty, and it's a fitting place to celebrate the independence of Greece.   Mr. Minister, thank you for coming. We appreciate you coming all the way over for this event, and we're proud you're here, and thanks for bringing your son.   Mr. Ambassador, thanks for coming. Ambassador Mallias is will us today. There you are, right there, Ambassador. Thank you. It's good to see your wife. Appreciate you all being here.   Ambassador Kakouris of -- to Cyprus is with us -- from Cyprus to U.S. is with us. Senator, thank you for coming. It's good to see you again. We miss you around these parts. (Laughter.) I don't know if you miss these parts, but we miss you around these parts. (Laughter.)   Father Alex, good to see you again, sir, thanks. I appreciate very much my Greek -- fellow Greek American citizens coming, as well as those who wear the uniform. We're proud to be in your presence. (Applause.)   Your Eminence, all free people stand on the shoulders of Greece. In the ancient world where political power usually came from the sword, the people of Athens came together around a radical and untried idea that men were fit to govern themselves. It was this freedom that allowed them to create one of the most vibrant societies in history. And that society deeply influenced America's founding fathers when they sought to establish a free state centuries later.   Throughout their history, the people of Greece have been committed to liberty. They've also been committed to the important principle that liberty only survives when brave men and women are y to come to its defense.   In the years leading up to Greece's war for independence, one of the rallying cries of the Greek people was that it was better to be free for an hour than to be a slave for 40 years. Those are the kind of folks who had their priorities straight.   The ed States was by Greece's side from the very beginning of the struggle for independence. In those early days, some Americans volunteered to serve in the Greek army, and many more contributed the funds that were necessary to keep the fight alive. Former Presidents John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and James Madison all spoke in favor of the Greek people's right to self-determination. And after many long years, Greece emerged victorious and free. And that's what we're celebrating today. (Applause.)   And from that time forward, the ed States and Greece have been strong allies in the cause of freedom. Today, we continue to work to sp the hope of liberty. Our countries are working together in Afghanistan where Greek troops are an important part of the NATO forces that are restoring hope to that country. We're also partners in promoting stability in the Balkans and in the Middle East, where Greece provides peacekeepers in Bosnia and Kosovo and Lebanon. Please thank your governments [sic] for those strong signals that liberty is universal, and that liberty will bring the peace we all hope.   Our nation has been inspired by Greek ideals and we have been enriched by Greek immigrants. Today, more than 1.3 million Americans trace their ancestry back to Greece, and we're better for having them here. America is a richer place, a better place. Our two countries also share ties of faith. The Greek Orthodox Church has well over one million members in the ed States, under the leadership of this fine man. The Church is a source of strength and inspiration for a lot of our citizens. It's a proud part of our country's tradition of religious diversity and religious tolerance.   For nearly two centuries, the bonds between the ed States and Greece have continued to strengthen, and during the earliest days of our friendship, one Greek leader told the American people: "It is in your land that liberty has fixed her abode. In imitating you, we shall imitate our ancestors."   Today I know that both our countries are making these ancestors proud through our commitment to freedom, and I'm confident that this tradition of friendship between the ed States and Greece will continue for many years to come.   And so I ask God's blessings on the people of Greece and the people of America -- and now welcome the Metropolitan Youth Choir of the Archdiocese. (Applause.) 200806/41344President Bush Meets with Prime Minister Dung of VietnamPRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. Prime Minister, welcome to the Oval Office. I fondly remember my trip to your country. I remember the wonderful hospitality that you and your government gave to Laura and me. I remember the thousands of people lining the street of Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi, and it was just a memorable trip. So it's my honor to welcome you back here.We had a good dialogue. We talked about economic cooperation. We talked about educational cooperation. We talked about the need to work together on the environment. I thanked the Prime Minister for his work on accounting for the POWs and MIAs. We discussed the neighborhood, the region. We talked about freedom -- religious and political freedom, and I told the Prime Minister that I thought the strides that the government is making toward religious freedom is noteworthy. And I appreciated the efforts that he and his government are making. All in all, we had a very good discussion. Our relationship with Vietnam is getting closer, in a spirit of respect. And I thank you for coming to help make that relationship even stronger. Welcome.PRIME MINISTER DUNG: (As translated.) Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen. I would like to thank you, Mr. President and American friends, for your warm hospitality.I would like to tell you that Mr. President and I have just had successful talks in a friendly, constructive and understanding spirit. And we took note with great pleasure of rapid development in the Vietnam-U.S. relationship toward a friendly and constructive partnership, multifaceted cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual respect and mutual benefit. We agreed with each other on a wide range of issues, which will be fully reflected in our joint statement.And now I would like to give you some highlights of our conversation. Mr. President and I agreed to establish a new dialogue mechanism at the senior level on the strategic matters of economics, education, environment, science, defense and security. And President Bush reiterated his support for Vietnam sovereignty, security and territorial integrity.We agreed to establish a high-level education task force to effectively advance the education cooperation between our two countries. The two sides also agreed to set up a new subcommittee to assist Vietnam in conducting researches to respond to the climate change and the rising sea level.And President Bush reaffirmed that U.S. is actively reviewing Vietnam's request to join the GSP program, and acknowledged Vietnam's request to be accorded the market economy status. The U.S. is also considering the import of fruits from Vietnam. Also, the two sides agreed to commence negotiations on a bilateral investment treaty.Both sides also agreed to strengthen cooperation to address humanitarian issues left over by the war, such as the American MIA issue, mine-clearing, remediation of the Agent Orange consequences, the Vietnamese MIA issue.Ladies and gentlemen, my visit to the U.S. this time is the follow-up of the foreign policy of independence and sovereignty, diversification and multilateralization of our external relations. Vietnam wants to be friends with all countries and trusted partners with all nations and nationalities in the international community, and along that line, Vietnam will continue to strengthen the fine relationship between Vietnam and the ed States under the framework defined by the two countries' leaders.I hope that with the fruitful outcome of my visit the Vietnam-U.S. relationship will be elevated to new heights in the interest of both peoples, of peace, stability, and development cooperation in the region and the world.Thank you, Mr. President.200806/4286621世纪·希望之星全国英语演讲比赛 第十名 美国经典英文演讲100篇总统演讲布莱尔首相演讲美国总统布什演讲快报 200808/46358

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