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2019年07月23日 09:30:06来源:69媒体

  • A World Trade Organisation panel has upheld a ruling that China broke trade rules by restricting exports of rare earths, minerals used in high-tech products, including hybrid cars, mobile phones, wind turbines and energy-efficient lighting.世界贸易组织(WTO)一专家委员会维持了有关中国限制稀土出口违反贸易规则的裁决。稀土用于高科技产品,包括混合动力汽车、手机、风力发电机和节能灯。The organisation#39;s appellate body affirmed a March ruling against China, in a significant victory for the US, EU and Japan.WTO上诉机构确认了今年3月作出的对中国不利的裁决,这是美国、欧盟(EU)以及日本的巨大胜利。Michael Froman, the US trade representative, said he was pleased that the US had prevailed in the case.美国贸易代表迈克#8226;弗洛曼(Michael Froman)表示,他对于美国的胜诉感到满意。;We have sent a clear signal to our trading partners that we will be tenacious in protecting American businesses, American workers, and the rule of law. By upholding rules on fair access to raw materials, this decision is a win not only for the ed Sates, but also for every nation that respects the principles of openness and fairness. Those principles are the pillars of the rules-based global trading system, and we must protect them vigilantly.;“我们向我们的贸易伙伴传达了一个明确信号:我们将坚决保护美国企业、美国员工以及法治。通过维持有关平等获取原材料的规定,这一裁决不仅是美国的胜利,也是所有尊重公开和公平原则的国家的胜利。这些原则是基于规则的全球贸易体系的柱,我们必须小心保护。”China accounts for 90 per cent of global production of the 17 elements – including lanthanum, tungsten, neodymium and molybdenum – known as rare earths.中国占全球17种被称为稀土的元素产量的90%,包括镧、钨、钕和钼。Beijing#39;s export restriction was first introduced in 2009. Two years later, the cost of some rare earths had soared by as much as 500 per cent amid fears of a global shortage.中国于2009年首次实行出口限制。两年后,由于市场担心全球供应短缺,一些稀土的价格飙升500%。 /201408/320045。
  • How are we to understand last week’s events in Paris? Why are people prepared to kill and die for their beliefs? How should liberal democracies respond? Many people must be asking themselves these questions. A remarkable man, Eric Hoffer, addressed them in a book published in 1951: The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements . The ideas in his book, developed in response to Nazism and communism, echo powerfully today.我们该如何理解上周发生在巴黎的恐怖事件?人们为何会准备为了自己的信仰杀人或赴死?自由民主该如何回应?一定有很多人都在问自己。一位杰出的作家——埃里克#8226;霍弗(Eric Hoffer)曾在其1951年出版的《狂热分子:群众运动圣经》(The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements)一书中阐述了这些问题。书中的观点针对的是纳粹主义和共产主义,但对如今的问题也可作有力的回应。Hoffer was born at the turn of the 20th century and died in 1983. He worked in restaurants, as a migrant farmhand, as a gold-prospector and, for 25 years, as a longshoreman in San Francisco. Self-taught, he could penetrate to the core of a topic in brilliant and limpid sentences. The True Believer is among my favourite books. It is once again an invaluable guide.霍弗出生在20世纪之初,逝于1983年。他曾在餐厅工作,当过农场工人、金矿勘探工,并在旧金山当了25年的码头工人。他自学成才,能用才华横溢而又简单明了的句子,深入浅出地参透问题的核心。《狂热分子》是我最喜欢的书籍之一。如今它再次成为宝贵的指导。Who, then, is a true believer? Said and Cherif Kouachi and Amedy Coulibaly, the men responsible for last week’s terrorist attacks in Paris, were true believers. So are those active in al-Qaeda, the Taliban, Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (Isis) or Boko Haram. So, once, were Nazis and committed communists. True believers, argues Hoffer, are not characterised by the content of their faith, but by the nature of its claims. Their beliefs claim absolute certainty and demand absolute loyalty. True believers are those who accept those claims and welcome those demands. They are prepared to kill and to die for their cause, because its success in the world is more important to them than their lives or indeed anybody’s life. The true believer is therefore a fanatic.那么,谁才是狂热分子?上周在巴黎进行恐怖袭击的萨伊德#8226;库阿奇(Said Kouachi)、切里夫#8226;库阿奇(Cherif Kouachi)和阿米迪#8226;库利巴利(Amedy Coulibaly)是狂热分子。基地组织、塔利班、“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国”(Isis)或科圣地(Boko Haram)的激进分子也是。过去的纳粹分子和狂热的共产主义者也是。霍弗认为,狂热分子并非以他们的信仰内容定性,而是以其信仰所宣称内容的本质来判断。他们的信仰宣称绝对的确定,要求绝对的忠诚。狂热分子是那些欣然接受这些宣称和要求的人。他们随时准备为了事业杀人或赴死,因为对他们来说,事业在全世界取得成功比他们甚至任何人的生命更重要。因此他们是狂热的。The fanatic is a familiar character in history. Fanaticism is born of temperament, not ideas. The fanatical temperament can express itself in many different ways. Hoffer’s was an age of secular religions. Reality killed the religions that promised salvation on earth. But it cannot kill religions that promise eternity. The latter are now, once again, the most powerful forms of belief, though nationalism may yet run them close.狂热分子在历史上屡见不鲜。狂热主义是情绪而非思想的产物。狂热情绪的表现方式有很多种。霍弗所处的是一个世俗宗教的时代。现实杀死了那些许诺拯救世人的宗教。但它杀不死那些承诺永生的宗教。如今,后者再一次成为最强势的信仰形式,尽管民族主义可能终将赶上来。Indeed, religion and nationalism have frequently reinforced one another: God, after all, is so often held to be on “our side”. Thus, Hoffer states that “in modern times nationalism is the most copious and durable source of mass enthusiasm and that nationalist fervour must be tapped if the drastic changes projected and initiated by revolutionary enthusiasm are to be consummated”.实际上,宗教和民族主义经常彼此强化:毕竟,上帝经常被认为在“我们这边”。因此,霍弗指出,“在现代,民族主义是群众热情最丰富、最持久的源泉,而且由革命热情谋划和发起的社会剧变要想取得成功,必须利用民族主义狂热”。One of Hoffer’s important insights is that it is not poverty that turns someone into a true believer; it is frustration. It is a sense that one deserves far better. It is not surprising that some of those engaged in terrorism are petty criminals. Hoffer argues “that the frustrated predominate among the early adherents of all mass movements and that they usually join of their own accord”.霍弗的一个重要深刻见解是,使一个人成为狂热分子的不是贫穷,而是挫败感,是一种认为自己值得更好生活的感觉。一些加入恐怖主义的人是轻罪犯,这不足为奇。霍弗认为,“所有群众运动的早期追随者中,挫败者都占主导地位,而且他们通常是自愿加入的。”Among their characteristics is that they may feel they do not fit into their societies. This is not unlikely to be the case for some children of immigrant minorities. Their attachment to the culture of their family’s origin and identification with the culture of their family’s destination are both quite likely to be fragile.他们的特征之一是,可能感觉无法融入自己的社会。这种想法可能出现在一些少数族裔移民的孩子身上。他们对家庭原籍地文化的归属感,以及对所在国文化的认同感,可能都相当脆弱。What then does the belief offer? In essence, it offers an answer: it tells the adherents what to think, how to feel and what to do. It provides an all-embracing community in which to live. It offers a reason for living, killing and dying. It replaces emptiness with fullness, and aimlessness with purpose. It offers a cause. This is sometimes noble and sometimes base, but it is a cause, and that is what matters.那信仰又能提供些什么?从本质上说,它给人们提供了一个:它告诉信徒去思考什么、怎样感受以及该做什么。它提供了一个包容所有的集体,供信徒生活。它提供了一个活着、杀戮和死亡的理由。它用充实代替空虚,用目的代替盲目。它提供了一项事业,有时高尚、有时卑劣,但终归是事业,这才是最重要的。“All mass movements generate in their adherents a#8201;.#8201;.#8201;.#8201;proclivity for united action,” notes Hoffer. “All of them, irrespective of the doctrine they preach#8201;.#8201;.#8201;.#8201;, breed fanaticism, enthusiasm, fervent hope, hatred and intolerance.” All demand “blind faith and single-hearted allegiance”.“所有的群众运动都会在其追随者中产生一种对集体行动的嗜好,”霍弗指出,“无论它们宣扬的教义是什么,所有群众运动都会催生疯狂、热情、强烈的希望、憎恨和偏执。”所有的群众运动都要求“盲目的信仰和一心一意的忠诚。”Communism has waned. So, in many places, has secularism. Religion has taken its place. The moral and intellectual bankruptcy of secular rulers — particularly corrupt secular despots — has encouraged this revival. But western secular democracies are also vulnerable to assaults from true believers in militant Islamism. Wars may control them. But violence will not eliminate them, as the west has learnt in both Iraq and Afghanistan. The enemy is not “terrorism”, it is the idea of which terrorism is the fruit. Deterring people willing to die is hard. Killing ideas is hard. Killing religious ideas is nigh on impossible. If such ideas are to wane, they will do so only at the hands of more attractive ideas. Possibly, the more extreme might perish of exhaustion. But this could take a long time. Remember that Luther’s ideas triggered 130 years of religious wars in Europe. It is a disturbing precedent.共产主义已式微。在很多地方,世俗主义也一样。宗教取代了世俗主义的位置。世俗统治者——特别是腐朽的世俗暴君——在道义和智慧上的垮台,刺激了宗教的复活。但是,西方世俗民主国家也容易受到激进伊斯兰主义狂热分子的攻击。战争或许可以控制他们。但是,正如西方国家从伊拉克和阿富汗战争中吸取的教训,暴力不会彻底消灭他们。“恐怖主义”不是敌人,育恐怖主义的思想才是。打消人们赴死的意愿是困难的。消灭观念是困难的。消灭宗教观念则几乎是不可能的。想让这些观念逐渐消失,只能借助于更具吸引力的观念。更极端的观念可能只能等待其势竭而亡。但这可能需要很长时间。别忘了马丁#8226;路德(Martin Luther)的思想曾引发了欧洲长达130年的宗教战争。这是个令人不安的先例。What is to be done? I claim no expertise in this area. But I claim at least an interest: that of a citizen of a liberal democracy, which I very much wish to remain so. My answers are as follows.我们应该做些什么?我不认为自己在这个领域具备专业知识。但是至少我认为这与我息息相关:我是一个自由民主国家的公民,而且我非常希望一直这样。我的如下所述:First, accept that we are playing the long game of containment.第一,我们玩的是一个长期的围堵游戏,接受这个现实。Second, recognise that the heart of the struggle is elsewhere. The west can help. But it cannot win those wars.第二,斗争的核心在别处,认清这一点。西方国家可以提供帮助。但是它们赢不了这些战争。Third, offer the lived idea of equality as citizens as an alternative to violent jihad.第三,宣传公民平等这一有生命力的理念,来取代暴力圣战的想法。Fourth, appreciate and respond to the frustrations many now feel.第四,理解很多人现在体会到的挫败感,并作出回应。Fifth, accept the need for measures to provide security. But remember that absolute safety is never achievable.第五,承认必须采取措施提供安全。但是要记住,绝对安全是永远不可能实现的。Finally, remain true to our beliefs, since without them we have nothing to offer in this struggle. We must not abandon either the rule of law or the ban on torture. Once we do, we have aly lost this war of ideals and ideas.最后一点,忠于我们的信仰,因为除了这些信仰,我们在这场斗争中没有别的武器。我们绝对不能废除法治或者对酷刑的禁令。如果我们这样做,我们便已经输掉了这场关于理想与思想的战争。True believers do, once again, want to do us harm. But the threat they pose is not comparable to the ones that liberal democracy survived in the 20th century. We should recognise the dangers, but not overreact. In the end, this too will pass.狂热分子会想要再一次伤害我们。但是他们所构成的威胁,与自由民主在20世纪战胜的那些威胁相比不可同日而语。我们应该认识到危险,但不应该过于恐惧。最终,这些也将成为过去。 /201501/355068。
  • Thousands of residents in Hong Kong rallied Sunday to protest what they see as waning press freedoms in this Chinese city.数千名香港市民周日举行了游行示威活动,抗议他们所称的新闻自由遭打压的现象。According to organizers, more than 6,000 demonstrators--including reporters, college students and retirees--rallied under blue skies by the edge of Victoria Harbour. Police put the number at closer to 2,200 at its height. Crowd estimates from police and organizers usually vary widely in Hong Kong.组织者称,有超过6,000人参加了在维多利亚港边上举行的游行活动,其中包括记者、大学生和退休人员。香港警方说,最高峰时游行人数接近2,200人。警方与示威组织者对游行人数的估计通常有很大差异。The rally is part of continued unease in Hong Kong about the influence of mainland China, which controls the former British colony under a one-country, two-systems agreement. In a report earlier this month, the Committee to Protect Journalists said that Hong Kong#39;s traditionally freewheeling press was under attack, citing past violent incidents against the pro-democracy newspaper Apple Daily, and rising rates of self-censorship.香港人对中国大陆的影响一直感到不安,游行凸现了这种担忧情绪。保护记者委员会(Committee to Protect Journalists)本月早些时候发布报告称,香港一向都很自由的新闻界正在遭受压制,报告列举了针对亲民主刊物《苹果日报》的暴力事件以及新闻界日益上升的自我审查频率。Karen Kwok, a cable-television reporter at the rally who attended alongside at least 10 colleagues, said the future of freedoms #39;depends on what kind of fight we put up.#39;与至少10名同事一起参加游行的有线电视记者Karen Kwok说,未来的自由取决于现在进行什么样的抗争。#39;If we don#39;t speak up, of course it will only get worse,#39; she said, as she stood before a wall of blue ribbons that protesters had tied to the fence surrounding the government#39;s office.她表示,如果不抗议,情况只会越来越糟。抗议人群在香港政府办公楼周围的栏杆上系满了蓝丝带。A government spokesman said the city was committed to continuing to guard freedom of speech and freedom of the press, as the two are #39;major elements in sustaining Hong Kong#39;s status as an international metropolis.#39;香港政府一位发言人说,香港致力于继续维护香港言论自由和新闻自由,这两项自由都是维持香港国际大都会地位的主要元素。Hong Kong#39;s global press-freedom ranking this month slipped three places to No. 61 this year, according to the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders. Anger in Hong Kong has also been simmering since the start of the year over the ousting of a top editor at the well-regarded Ming Pao newspaper, which many staff believed was politically motivated.根据总部设在巴黎的无国界记者(Reporters Without Borders)的报告,香港在全世界新闻自由排行榜上的名次今年下降三位,至61位。而今年年初香港《明报》(Ming Pao)总编辑被撤换一事也激起了香港人的不满,该报许多员工认为撤换总编辑背后有政治意图。One local magazine reporter who marched on Sunday said he believed Chinese authorities were increasing pressure on Hong Kong publications as calls for political reform mount in advance of 2017, the year that Beijing has said is the earliest local residents can begin directly electing their leader.一位参加周日游行的香港杂志记者说,随着要求政治改革的呼声在2017年到来前不断高涨,中国当局加大了对香港新闻刊物的钳制。中国政府表示香港最早可于2017年直接选举特首。In particular, he said, he had been personally pressured by his editors to ensure that any print references to #39;Occupy Central#39;--a plan to occupy the city#39;s financial district to demand full universal suffrage--were accompanied by language emphasizing the potentially destructive impact of such a movement.他特别指出,他自己就受到过编辑的压力,编辑让他务必在提到“占领中环”的新闻报道中附带强调这一行动会造成的破坏性后果。#39;I definitely see more censorship,#39; said the reporter, who declined to be named out of fear of jeopardizing his job.他说,他遇到的审查肯定是更多了。这名记者因为担心自己的工作受到影响而不愿透露姓名。 /201402/277287。
  • Switzerland, one of the world#39;s wealthiest countries, is engaged in an intense process of soul searching - about money.世界上最富裕的国家之一瑞士正积极地对金钱做着自我反省。This year alone there have been two nationwide referendums on executive pay, one of which approved strict limits on bonuses and banned golden handshakes.Now two more votes are on the way, the first on the introduction of a minimum wage, and the second, and most controversial, on a guaranteed basic income for all legal residents, whether they work or not.瑞士仅今年就已经针对高管薪酬进行了两次全民公投,其中一项通过;这项提案对高管的奖金做了严格的限定并禁止了高额退休金的发放。现在还有两个投票也在紧锣密鼓地进行,其中一个要求引入最低工资,另一个则最具争议性——无论工作与否,瑞士公民享有每月基本收入(高达2500瑞士法郎,约合1.7万人民币)。To hold a nationwide referendum, all citizens have to do is gather 100,000 signatures calling for a vote, and the ballot must be held - the result is binding.要想举行全民公投,瑞士人所要做的仅仅是搜集到10万个签名。接下来投票就必须举行,且其结果也是有法律约束力的。For Enno Schmidt, a key supporter of universal basic income, Switzerland is the perfect place, and 2013 the perfect time, to launch a campaign to introduce it.恩诺-施密特作为全民基本收入提案的关键持者之一,他认为2013年在瑞士发起这样一场投票是很合适的。Swiss business leaders have reacted with dismay, one calling it a ;happy land; proposal, the product of a younger generation that has never experienced a major economic recession or widesp unemployment.瑞士的一些企业家们对此表示担忧,其中一个人称之为“乐土式”提案,认为这是没有经历过大规模经济衰退、大范围失业的年轻一代弄出来的产物。Mr Schmidt denies this, saying the proposed amount for Switzerland, 2,500 Swiss francs (,800; £1,750) a month is scarcely enough to survive on.施密特对此不以为然,他称提案中的每月2500瑞士法郎(约合2800美元,1750英镑)也就够你在瑞士生存下去而已。Meanwhile on the left, economist and former social democrat member of parliament Rudolf Strahm backs a minimum wage but is against a universal income, believing it would undermine the famous Swiss work ethic.此外,经济学家及前社会民主党议员鲁道夫-史特森持最低工资提案却反对全面基本收入提案。他认为这会削弱瑞士享誉全球的职业道德。To cover the cost of such a scheme, value added tax - on what people buy rather than what they earn - could rise to 20% or even 30%.为了负担提案所需出,增值税(从人们的消费而不是收入中扣除)可能会增长20%到30%。Actually, the main motivation behind the campaign is not economic but cultural, a bid to make people think more carefully about the nature of life and work.事实上,这个提案的主要动机不是经济而是文化方面的,它其实是想让人们更认真地思考生活和工作的本质。 /201312/270082。
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