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赣州俪人整形美容医院鼻尖整形怎么样赣州大腿抽脂减肥费用PizzaExpress’s new Chinese private equity owner is eyeing a buyout of the chain’s Hong Kong-based franchise partner as the chain beloved of the British middle classes expands across Asia.PizzaExpress新的中国私募股权所有者正考虑买断其总部位于香港的特许经营合作伙伴的股份。这家英国中产阶级钟爱的比萨连锁店正在亚洲扩张业务。Beijing-based Hony Capital, which acquired the pizza group in a #163;900m deal with Cinven last year, intends to directly acquire 26 franchised PizzaExpress restaurants in China the company said on Monday, and plans to open up to 15 more every year.总部位于北京的弘毅投资(Hony Capital)去年与Cinven达成一笔9亿英镑的交易,收购了PizzaExpress。这家私募股权集团周一宣布,拟直接收购中国境内26家PizzaExpress特许经营餐厅,并计划每年开张至多15家新餐厅。“The PizzaExpress board were very keen to grow our business in China before Hony Capital acquired us,” said Richard Hodgson, chief executive. “Our restaurants in China are typically twice as busy as those in the UK.”“弘毅投资收购我们之前,PizzaExpress董事会就非常热衷于发展我们在中国的业务,”PizzaExpress行政总裁理查德#8226;霍奇森(Richard Hodgson)表示,“我们在中国的餐厅一般要比在英国的餐厅繁忙两倍。”The Hony deal showed the growing Chinese investor appetite for British consumer brands, and followed on from Bright Food’s purchase of Weetabix in a deal that valued the breakfast cereal at .2bn.弘毅的这笔交易显示了中国投资者对英国消费品牌的“胃口”越来越大。此前光明食品(Bright Food)曾收购维他麦(Weetabix),该交易对这款早餐麦片品牌的估值达到12亿美元。PizzaExpress opened its first wholly-owned restaurant in Beijing last year, and another in Shenzhen will follow shortly. “There are dozens of second-tier Chinese cities with populations similar to that of London,” Mr Hodgson said, adding that between 10 and 15 openings a year were being targeted.PizzaExpress去年在北京开了其第一家独资餐厅,在深圳的另一家餐厅也很快将开张。“中国有几十个人口规模与伦敦相仿的二线城市,”霍奇森表示。他补充说,目前的目标是每年开张10至15家新餐厅。“It has taken us 15 years to get to 27 restaurants, and we’re not about to make any mistakes in China by rushing,” he added.“我们花了15年发展到27家餐厅的规模,我们不会仓促行事、在中国犯下任何错误,”他补充说。This compares with a target of 20 openings a year in the UK, where PizzaExpress has 400 restaurants, and last month celebrated 50 years since its first outlet was opened in Soho.相比之下,PizzaExpress计划在其拥有400家餐厅的英国每年开张20家新餐厅。上月,这家比萨连锁店庆祝了其首家餐厅在伦敦苏豪区(Soho)开张50周年。The China franchise was established 15 years ago by Justin Kennedy, a former investment banker at Citigroup in Hong Kong, who introduced a ‘Peking Duck’ pizza for Chinese diners.按特许经营模式运作的在华业务是15年前由前花旗集团(Citigroup)投资家贾斯汀#8226;肯尼迪(Justin Kennedy)在香港建立的。他为中国食客推出了“北京烤鸭”比萨饼。First-half results released on Monday showed the chain was earning a decent crust for its new Chinese owners, with a 15.8 per cent increase in earnings before interest, tax, depreciation and amortisation to #163;55m on total revenues that grew 9.4 per cent to #163;231m.周一发布的上半年业绩显示,这家比萨连锁店为中国新东家带来了不错的盈利,未计利息、税项、折旧及摊销的盈利(EBITDA)增长15.8%,达到5500万英镑,总营收增长9.4%,达到2.31亿英镑。The group’s UK restaurants saw a 6.8 per cent increase in like-for-like sales in the 28 weeks to 11 January, compared with the same period a year ago. Mr Hodgson said sales had been boosted by “improved consumer sentiment, particularly in London” and the number of covers and average spend per head were both rising.该集团在英国的餐厅在截至1月11日的28周里实现6.8%的同店销售同比增长。霍奇森表示,提振销售的主因是“消费者信心好转,特别是在伦敦”,顾客人数和人均消费双双上升。Combined with the impact of deflationary ingredients prices, this boosted the group’s ebitda margin by 1.3 percentage points to 23.8 per cent.再加上食材价格下降的影响,该集团的EBITDA利润率得到1.3个百分点的提振,达到23.8%。International sales, including China and the Middle East, rose 45 per cent on a like-for-like basis, with restaurants opened in Delhi and Mumbai in the period.包括中国和中东在内的海外销售在同店基础上增长45%,其间在德里和孟买开张了新餐厅。Sales to UK supermarkets — responsible for 31m pizza sales a year, compared with 29m sold through its UK restaurants — were “trading well ahead of last year” he added.他补充称,面向英国超市的销售“生意远远超过上一年度”。PizzaExpress面向英国超市每年销售3100万张比萨饼,相比之下该集团的英国餐厅每年销售2900万张比萨饼。 /201503/363534赣州洗纹身洗的好的地方 BACK in the late 1980s, when I was a co-editor of Spy magazine, we published a cover story about the 1970s. Spy being Spy, it was a grand feast of love-hate celebration: “A Return to the Decade of Mood Rings, Ultrasuede, Sideburns and Disco Sex-Machine Tony Orlando.” One of its implicit premises was the silliness of the pandemic of American nostalgia, especially for a culturally dubious decade that had ended less than a decade earlier. Over the last half century, we Americans have come to create and consume automatically and continuously a kind of recent-past wistfulness.20世纪80年代末,我还是《密探》(Spy)杂志的主编之一,我们发表了一期关于70年代的封面故事。《密探》就是《密探》,这是一个爱恨交织的庆典与精的盛宴:“回到情绪戒指、麂皮绒、连鬓胡子和迪斯科性感机器托尼·奥兰多(Tony Orlando)的十年里。”其中一个暗含的前提是美式怀旧蔓延的愚蠢,特别是对于一个文化上非常模糊的十年的怀旧,而它的终结甚至还不到十年。在上个世纪的下半叶,我们美国人无意识地创造与消费着对“不久前的过去”的怅惘之中,并且持续不断地处于这种状态。But what about the 1990s? Nostalgia for the era in which you were young is almost inevitable, so people born between 1970 and 1990 feel a natural fetishistic fondness for that decade. But even for the rest of us, the ’90s provoke a unique species of recherche du temps perdu, not mere bittersweet reveling in the passage of time. No, looking back at the final 10 years of the 20th century is grounds for genuine mourning: It was simply the happiest decade of our American lifetimes.但90年代又怎样呢?对自己年轻时代的怀旧是不可避免的,所以生于1970年到1990年的人肯定会对这十年产生一种盲目的天然亲切之感。但是即便对于我们其他人来说,90年代也能唤起一种独特的“追忆似水年华”之感,这不仅仅是对时光流逝的苦甜参半的回忆。不,回溯20世纪的最后十年是一种真正的哀悼:那是我们美国人生活中最快乐的十年。This isn’t (mainly) fogeyishness on my part. No. It is empirically, objectively, broadly true. I am not now nor have I ever been a Clintonite, but when Jeb Bush reportedly said a few weeks ago, apropos of 2016 and the probable Democratic presidential nominee, that “if someone wants to run a campaign about ’90s nostalgia, it’s not going to be very successful,” I think he was being wishful.这并不(主要)是出于我个人的守旧。不,这是有事实根据的,是客观的、普适的真相。我从来不是克林顿的拥趸,现在也不是,但当杰布·布什(Jeb Bush)几个星期之前说起2016年,以及可能的民主党总统候选人时,他说“如果有人能够发起关于90年代怀旧的政治宣传,肯定不会成功”,我觉得他过于一厢情愿了。Let’s begin with the quantifiable bits. America at large was prospering in the ’90s. The ed States economy grew by an average of 4 percent per year between 1992 and 1999. (Since 2001, it’s never grown by as much as 4 percent, and since 2005 not even by 3 percent for a whole year.) An average of 1.7 million jobs a year were added to the American work force, versus around 850,000 a year during this century so far. The unemployment rate dropped from nearly 8 percent in 1992 to 4 percent — that is, effectively zero — at the end of the decade. Plus, if you were a man and worked in an office, starting in the ’90s you could get away with never wearing a necktie.我们还是从量化的数据开始吧。在90年代,美国从总体而言非常繁荣。从1992年到1999年,美国经济平均每年增长4%(从2001年起就再也没有超过4%;从2005年起,全年增长率就再也没有超过3%)。每年平均增加170万个就业机会,本世纪以来,平均每年约增长85万个就业机会。到90年代末,失业率从1992年的8%降低到4%(这事实上等于零)。此外,如果你是做文职工作的男性,从90年代开始,你就可以不用西装革履地去上班了。From 1990 to 1999, the median American household income grew by 10 percent; since 2000 it’s shrunk by nearly 9 percent. The poverty rate peaked at over 15 percent in 1993, then fell to nearly 11 percent in 2000, more or less its postwar low. During the ’90s, stocks quadrupled in value — the Dow Jones industrial average increased by 309 percent. You could still buy a beautiful Brooklyn townhouse for 0,000 or less. And so on.从1990年到1999年,美国家庭收入的中位数增长了10%;自从2000年以来,降低了约9%。贫困率在1993年达到最高,超过15%,到2000年下降到接近11%,近乎“二战”后的最低点。在90年代,股价翻了四倍,道琼斯工业平均指数增长了309%。你仍然可以用50万美元乃至更少的钱就买下一栋漂亮的布鲁克林联排别墅。等等。By the end of the decade, in fact, there was so much good news — a federal budget surplus, dramatic reductions in violent crime (the murder rate in the ed States declined by 41 percent) and in deaths from H.I.V./AIDS — that each astounding new achievement didn’t quite register as miraculous. After all, the decade had begun with a fantastically joyful and previously unimaginable development: The Soviet empire collapsed, global nuclear Armageddon ceased to be a thing that worried anyone very much, and the nations of Eastern Europe were mostly unchained.到90年代末,事实上,有那么多的好消息——联邦预算出现剩余、暴力犯罪大幅度减少(美国的谋杀率降低了41%),HIV/艾滋死亡率也大幅度减少——这些惊人的新成就在当时并为被视为奇迹。毕竟,这十年刚一开始,就发生了一个令人快乐而又难以置信的成就——苏联帝国解体,人们不再为全球核末日而担忧,东欧国家也大都获得了解放。A tide of progress and good sense seemed to be sweeping the whole world. According to the annual count by Freedom House, the tally of the world’s free countries climbed from 65 at the beginning of the decade to 85 at the end. Since then, the total number of certified-free countries has increased by only four.进步与善意的大潮似乎席卷了整个世界。根据“自由之家”(Freedom House)组织的年度统计,90年代初,全世界共有65个自由国家,到了90年代末,变成了85个。自那以后,被承认的自由国家只增加了四个。Between 1990 and 1994 South Africa dismantled apartheid surprisingly peacefully. With the Oslo Accords, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization had come together at last to negotiate a framework for coexistence and eventual peace. The civil wars in the former Yugoslavia ended and an enduring peace was restored. China became normal, reforming its economy, tripling its gross domestic product and easing its way into the world order.从1990年到1994年,南非以惊人的和平方式废除了种族隔离制度。根据奥斯陆协议,以色列与巴勒斯坦解放组织终于走到一起,谈判共存与持久和平的框架。前南斯拉夫国家的内战结束了,持久的和平得以恢复。中国成了正常国家,开始进行经济改革,国内生产总值翻了三倍,开始融入世界秩序。During the ’90s, the only American-led war in the Middle East was the one that drove Saddam Hussein’s invading army out of Kuwait with a ground campaign that lasted a mere 100 hours.在90年代,美国在中东的唯一一场战争是派遣地面部队,把萨达姆·侯赛因(Saddam Hussein)的侵略军赶出科威特,战争仅仅持续了100个小时。Peace, prosperity, order — and American culture was vibrant and healthy as well. There were both shockingly excellent versions of what had come before and distinctly new, original forms. Wasn’t the release of Nirvana’s “Nevermind,” in 1991, pretty much the last time a new rock ’n’ roll band truly, deeply mattered, the way rock ’n’ roll did in the ’60s and ’70s? Wasn’t hip-hop, which achieved its mass-market breakthrough and dominance in the ’90s, the last genuinely new and consequential invention of American pop culture?和平、繁荣与秩序——美国文化也同样健康活跃。文化中既有承袭自过去的东西,也有崭新的原创形式,二者都很精。1991年,“涅槃”(Nirvana)发行了《别在意》(Nevermind), 一新的摇滚乐队能像六七十年代的摇滚乐那样,产生真正深远的影响,这难道不是最后一次吗?嘻哈乐在大众市场获得突破,主宰了90年代,这难道不是美国流行文化中最后一次产生真正新颖而重大的创新吗?What is the most remarkably successful literary creation of the last several decades? The Harry Potter novels, the first three of which appeared in the ’90s. Supertalented literary youngsters appeared — David Foster Wallace (“Infinite Jest”), Donna Tartt (“The Secret History”), Jonathan Lethem (“Motherless Brooklyn”) and Dave Eggers (McSweeney’s). And supertalented literary geezers — Philip Roth (“American Pastoral”), John Updike (“Rabbit at Rest”), Alice Munro (“The Love of a Good Woman”), Don DeLillo (“Underworld”) — produced some of their best and most successful work as well.说说过去十几年来最成功的文学创作?哈利·波特(Harry Potter)系列小说的前三部都是在90年代出版的。那十年间,天才文学新星开始出现:写出了《无尽的玩笑》(Infinite Jest)的大卫·福斯特·华莱士(David Foster Wallace)、写出《秘史》(The Secret History)的唐娜·塔特(Donna Tartt)、写出《布鲁克林孤儿》(Motherless Brooklyn)的乔纳森·勒瑟姆(Jonathan Lethem)和写出《麦克斯维尼》(McSweeney’s)的戴夫·艾格斯(Dave Eggers)。此外还有那些天才的老人家们——菲利普·罗斯(Philip Roth)写出了《美国牧歌》(American Pastoral)、约翰·厄普代克(John Updike)写出了《兔子歇了》(Rabbit at Rest)、爱丽丝·门罗(Alice Munro)写出了《好女人的爱》(The Love of a Good Woman),唐·德里罗(Don Delillo)写出了《地下》(Underworld)——他们都献上了最精、最成功的作品。The quality of television radically improved. “Seinfeld” and “The Simpsons” had their premieres in 1989, and in the ’90s they blew up, along with “Friends” and “NYPD Blue” — all of them broadcast network series, none of them reality shows. HBO, before the ’90s a channel for movies, boxing and soft-core porn, decided to swing for the fences. First with “The Larry Sanders Show” and then with “The Sopranos,” it proved that episodic television could accommodate major ambition and actual brilliance, ushering in an enduring new (cable) TV era.电视节目的质量急剧上升。《宋飞传》(Seinfeld)和《辛普森一家》(The Simpsons)都于1989年首次亮相,在90年代兴盛一时,之后是《老友记》(Friends)和《纽约重案组》(NYPD Blue)——它们都是公共台电视剧,都不是真人秀。HBO台在90年代之前是个专放电影、拳击和软色情的频道,90年代,它决定转型。先是制作了《拉里·桑德斯秀》(The Larry Sanders Show),之后又有了《黑道家族》(The Sopranos),这部剧集明电视剧也可以承载远大的抱负,成为真正精的节目,从而引领了一个长盛不衰的(有线)电视新时代。In feature films, it was the decade of “Pulp Fiction” and the indie movement, thanks to which idiosyncratic, more-commercial-than-art-house masterpieces like those by Wes Anderson, Alexander Payne and Richard Linklater became plausible. It was also the decade in which traditional Disney animation came back from the dead and in which Pixar, with the first two “Toy Story” movies, reinvented the form magnificently.在电影界,这是属于《低俗小说》(Pulp Fiction)与独立运动(indie movement)的十年,韦斯·安德森(Wes Anderson)、亚历山大·佩恩(Alexander Payne)与理查德·林特莱克(Richard Linklater)拍摄的那些怪异而又有商业气质,不那么孤芳自赏的杰作开始为大众所见。这十年里,传统迪斯尼动画起死回生,皮克斯也带来了《玩具总动员》(Toy Story)系列的前两部,革新了动画片这种形式。THE digital age, of course, got fully underway in the ’90s. At the beginning of the decade almost none of us had heard of the web, and we didn’t have browsers, search engines, digital cellphone networks, fully 3-D games or affordable and powerful laptops. By the end of the decade we had them all. Steve Jobs returned to Apple and conjured its rebirth.当然,90年代,数码时代也在酝酿之中。在90年代初,我们大家几乎都没有听说过互联网,我们也没有浏览器、搜索引擎、数字手机系统、3-D游戏或便宜好用的笔记本电脑。到90年代末,这一切全都成了现实。史蒂夫·乔布斯(Steve Jobs)回归苹果公司,令它获得新生。And it was just the right amount of technology. By the end of the decade we all had cellphones, but not smartphones; we were not overconnected or tyrannized by our devices. Social media had not yet made social life both manically nonstop and attenuated. The digital revolution hadn’t brutally “disrupted” whole economic sectors and made their work forces permanently insecure. Recorded music sales nearly doubled during the decade. Newspapers and magazines were thriving. Even Y2K, our terrifying end-of-the-millennium technological comeuppance, was a nonevent.而且这些都是适度的技术。90年代末,我们都有了手机,但还不是智能手机;我们还没有被设备过度连接,或者受到技术的控制。社交媒体还没有令社交生活变得病态般无休无止,一方面又弱化了社交生活。数码革命还没有粗暴地“瓦解”整体经济环节,令它们的工作变得再也不那么安全。90年代,音乐唱片的销量几乎增加了一倍。报纸和杂志也繁荣昌盛。就连可怕的千禧年技术危机——千年虫——到最后都根本不成问题。Indeed, the ’90s were a decade of catastrophes that didn’t happen. The Clinton tax increases did not trigger a recession. Welfare reform did not ravage the poor. Compared with Sandy, every hurricane that touched New York — Bob! Bertha! Danny! Dennis! Floyd! — was a dud.事实上,90年代里根本没有发生任何大灾难。克林顿政府的增税并没有引发衰退。福利改革没有掠夺穷人。与桑迪飓风相比,那时候经过纽约的那些飓风——鲍勃!伯莎!丹尼!丹尼斯!弗洛伊德!——全都是小菜一碟。Were there real problems in the ’90s? Of course. But they weren’t obvious, so ... we were blissfully ignorant! Almost none of us were suitably alarmed by carbon emissions and the warming planet. According to a 1995 article in this newspaper about climate change, “most scientists say the amount of warming so far, about one degree Fahrenheit in the last century, is still too small to be distinguished from the climate system’s natural fluctuations.” So why worry?90年代有什么真正的问题吗?当然有,但它们并不是那么明显,所以……我们真是处于有福的无知之中!我们都没有充分意识到碳排放与全球变暖问题。《纽约时报》1995年的一篇文章中谈到气候变化,“全球气温与上个世纪相比提高了一华氏度,大多数科学家认为,考虑到气候系统的自然波动,这个变化并不大。”所以我们干嘛还要担心?When the House and Senate passed by overwhelming bipartisan majorities and President Clinton signed the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999, doing away with the firewalls between investment banks and commercial banks, the change seemed inevitable, sensible, modern — not a precursor of the 2008 Wall Street crash. When a jihadist truck bomb detonated in the parking garage below the north tower of the World Trade Center in 1993, we were alarmed only briefly, figuring it for a crazy one-off rather than a first strike in a long struggle.1999年,参众两院以两党多数通过了金融务业现代化法案,并由克林顿总统签署生效,撤销了投资与商业之间的防火墙,在当时,这个改变看来不可避免,是明智而现代化的——而不是2008年华尔街金融危机的前奏。1993年一个伊斯兰圣战者用卡车炸弹引爆了世贸中心北塔的停车场,我们只是短暂担心了一阵,觉得这是疯狂的一次性行为,而不是长期战斗的开端。Americans have never much liked paying attention to foreign countries and their problems (see Rwanda, 1994), so the decade between the end of the Cold War and the beginning of the war on terror was very much our cup of tea.美国人从来不喜欢关注外国和外国人的问题(看看1994年的卢旺达吧),所以从冷战结束后到与恐怖主义作战之间的这十年正是最合我们的口味的那杯茶。No: I mean our cup of coffee. You can’t talk about the ’90s without talking about the sudden availability of excellent coffee — espresso in Idaho! — all over America. This was thanks to Starbucks, of course, which went from nearly 100 outlets in the ed States at the start of the decade to 2,000 at the end. But as it goes with so many good things in America — easier credit and financial innovation and electronic connection and all the rest — that just wasn’t enough.不对,我是说,它是最合我们口味的那杯咖啡。谈到90年代,不说那些突然出现的好咖啡怎么行——爱达荷特浓咖啡——一下子遍及全美。当然,这要感谢星巴克,90年代初,它在全美只有100家分店,到90年代末就变成了2000家。但当时美国还有那么多的好东西——放松信贷与金融创新,还有电子通讯等等等——这么多家星巴克还远远不够。Today there are more than 13,000 Starbucks in the ed States. And each of them, to my eye, looks exactly as it did when the rollout began — 13,000 ubiquitous and faintly melancholic time-capsule museums of the last best American decade.如今美国有13000多家星巴克点。在我看来,每一家都和它最初的样子差不多——13000个无处不在、略带忧郁的时光胶囊物馆,封存着上一个美国的黄金十年的样子。 /201502/360139Expectations are high that India will finally realise its full economic potential through a combination of Modi magic, its abundant young labour force and a more liberal policy regime. A recent adjustment in the country’s accounting has led to claims that it may aly have replaced China as the world’s fastest growing economy. Yet, if India is to achieve the same sustained success as China, it needs to take a hard look at why its urbanisation process has failed so miserably in comparison.人们普遍预期,有了莫迪(Modi)的“魔法”、充裕的年轻劳动力以及更为自由的政策机制,印度最终将充分实现其经济潜力。最近印度调整了国内生产总值(GDP)计算方式,结果使一些人宣称,该国可能已经取代中国成为全球增长最快的经济体。然而,要想像中国那样取得持续成功,印度就需要认真审视一下,与中国相比,本国的城市化进程为何遭遇惨败。Four decades ago, these two most populous and poor countries faced similar economic prospects. With the bulk of their labour force stuck in subsistence farming and a relative scarcity of natural resources, the success or failure of their development efforts would be defined by their urbanisation process. In 1980, India was further ahead than China with an urbanisation ratio of 25 per cent ratio compared with the latter’s 20 per cent. Today, China has more than doubled its ratio to 53 per cent, while India’s has edged up only slightly to 32 per cent — and even at that level is marked by more pervasive pockets of slums. Some believe that China may have even reached saturation point.40年前,这两个世界上人口最多、最为贫穷的国家面临类似的经济前景。由于大部分劳动力一直从事自给农业,而且自然资源相对匮乏,它们发展努力的成功与否将由城市化进程决定。1980年,印度的城市化率为25%,比中国的20%领先一步。现在,中国的城市化率增长一倍多至53%,而印度仅略微增长至32%,甚至在这个水平上,它的城市还以更为随处可见的贫民窟为特点。一些人相信,中国的城市化率甚至可能已经达到了饱和点。China’s rapid industrialisation-driven urbanisation process led to a sustained double-digit surge in real wages, which uplifted some 600m rural people out of poverty and accounted for half the country’s 10 per cent annual gross domestic product growth rates from 1980-2010. In contrast, despite its impressive service-sector development, India has not managed to develop a vibrant manufacturing sector and most of its labour force is still mired in low-productivity rural activities.中国由工业化驱动的快速城市化进程导致其实际薪资水平持续两位数增长,从而使得约6亿农村人口摆脱贫困,同时中国从1980年到2010年平均每年10%的GDP增长有一半来源于此。相比之下,尽管务业发展引人瞩目,但印度没有实现制造业部门的蓬勃发展,大部分劳动力仍从事生产率低下的农业活动。Thus, it is not surprising that many see a revamped urbanisation process as being critical to India’s development agenda. Much of the current discussion has focused on the nuts and bolts of improving urban institutions, education and municipal financing to encourage larger and more productive cities. But most of it misses the point. China’s success occurred despite it having similarly weak institutions and, unlike India, it still has a restrictive residency system that discourages rural workers from relocating to urban commercial centres. However, in today’s India the basic incentives for a more dynamic and productivity-driven urbanisation process do not exist. If they are to be established, there needs to be a much better understanding of the nature of the problem.因此,并不令人意外的是,许多人认为调整城市化进程对印度的发展日程至关重要。当前讨论大多集中在改善城市制度、教育和市政融资的细节上,目的是促进规模更大、生产效率更高的城市产生。但这种讨论大多没说到点子上。尽管中国的制度同样有缺陷,而且与印度不同,现在它仍保留着阻止农村人口迁移到城市商业中心的限制性户籍制度,但中国仍取得了成功。然而,在今天的印度,并不存在让城市化进程更具活力、以及由生产率推动城市化进程的基本刺激因素。要想创造这些刺激因素,就需要更好地理解问题的本质。The reason why India has failed and China succeeded can be illustrated by two simple indicators: their respective ratios of urban to rural incomes and the prices of urban property.两个简单指标可以阐明印度失败而中国成功的原因:两国各自的城市与农村收入比,以及城市房价。The ratio of incomes gives a sense of the relative differences in productivity between the cities and countryside. For China, this ratio is 3.2 – the highest in world. On average, urban workers are more than three times as productive as rural workers and are being compensated accordingly. No wonder some 270m migrant workers have flocked to the cities to secure better paying industrial jobs. For India, the same measure gives a ratio of 1.6, one of the lowest for emerging market economies, indicating that urban productivity is only moderately higher than in rural areas, and cities do not offer such a magnet of higher earnings.收入比可以让人们了解城市和农村生产率的相对差距。中国的该比率为3.2,为全球最高水平。平均而言,城市劳动者的生产率是农村劳动者的3倍多,相应的薪酬比也是3倍多。因此约2.7亿农民工蜂拥至城市来从事薪资更高的工业工作就不足为奇了。同时印度的该比率是1.6,在新兴市场经济体中的最低之列,这表明其城市的生产率仅略高于农村地区,城市也缺乏更高收入的吸引力。The other key indicator is the relative difference in property prices in China versus India. China’s mega-cities have seen a five-fold increase in property prices in renminbi terms, or nearly seven-fold in US dollars over the past decade. No wonder concerns about a possible property bubble in China dominate global financial news. Yet despite these astounding increases, property prices in Beijing and Shanghai are still only half those of their Indian counterparts of New Delhi and Mumbai.另一个关键指标是中印房价的相对差距。在过去10年里,中国特大型城市的房价按人民币计算上涨了4倍,按美元计算上涨近6倍。难怪全球金融新闻都是对中国房地产泡沫的担忧。然而,尽管房价涨幅惊人,但北京和上海的房价仍然只有印度新德里和孟买的一半。So because the productivity-related benefits are so much lower in India, the incentive for rural workers to migrate to the cities is much less than in China and this is accentuated by the relatively higher cost of living in Indian cities due to exorbitant property prices. These same inflated property prices coupled with other factors — notably logistical bottlenecks — put Indian manufacturers at a cost disadvantage in competing in global markets despite their lower wages. The net effect is to hobble India’s progress.因此,由于印度与生产率相关的好处要低得多,农村劳动者迁移至城市的动机就远低于中国,同时由于房价高得离谱,印度城市生活成本相对较高,农村劳动者就更不愿迁移至城市。同样虚高的房价加上其他因素(尤其是物流瓶颈),使得印度制造商在全球市场竞争时处于成本方面的劣势,尽管它们的薪资水平较低。最终结果就是阻碍了印度的发展。India’s lower urban-to-rural productivity ratio is partly the result of well-recognised distortions in its investment and pricing regime, as highlighted in studies done by the World Bank and IMF. But less widely understood is the negative impact of urban land-management policies.正如世界(World Bank)和国际货币基金组织(IMF)的研究强调的那样,印度城市生产率与农村生产率之比较低,部分是因为其广为人知的投资和定价机制的扭曲,但较少人认识到城市土地管理政策带来的负面影响。India’s excessively high property prices reflect a combination of two archaic practices. One is the legacy of its colonial past in reserving large parcels of valuable urban land for government use, including sprawling and wasteful estates for civil servants and military cantonments. The other comes from outdated and overly rigid building codes that discourage concentrated development of commercial activity and housing in the core of its major cities. This pushes development to the outer suburbs, making it difficult to realise the agglomeration benefits that drive productivity gains.印度房价过高反映出两种陈旧做法的影响。一个是过去殖民地时代遗留下来的做法,即将大块宝贵的城市土地保留下来供政府使用,包括为公务员和兵营保留庞大且浪费性的地产。另一个做法则产生于过时且过分僵化的建筑法令,这些法令不鼓励在主要城市的核心区集中开发商业活动和住房。这把开发活动赶到了郊外,从而很难通过集群化来提升生产率。Unless these issues are addressed, India cannot realise the growth benefits from a more rapid urbanisation-cum-industrialisation process which has characterised China and much of east Asia over the past four decades.除非这些问题得到解决,否则印度不可能获得更加快速的城市化和工业化进程带来的发展益处——而在过去40年里,快速城市化和工业化是中国和大部分东亚国家的特点。 /201506/380097寻乌县人民医院做韩式隆鼻手术多少钱

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