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富阳人流医院如何选择富阳市第一人民医院是属于私立还是公立?富阳看前列腺炎贵不贵 Inside the K11 Art Mall, an elevator ride away from Burberry, Chloé, Balenciaga and other high-end shops, hundreds of people line up each day to see very different kinds of luxury items on display. An exhibition of 40 paintings by Claude Monet, billed as the largest-ever show of the Impressionist’s work in China, opened in March in a basement gallery space of this retail magnet. On a recent Sunday, 600 people at a time filled the two rooms of the gallery space to see “Monet: Master of Impressionism,” on view until June 15.在K11购物艺术中心里,一部升降梯途经柏利(Burberry)、蔻依(Chloé)、巴黎世家(Balenciaga)和其他高端店铺,每天载着成百上千人去排队观看各种非常不同的奢侈品展示。这个诱人的商场里有一个地下艺术馆,今年3月,克劳德·莫奈(Claude Monet)的40幅画作在那里展出,号称是中国史上最大的印象派画展。不久前的一个周日,一度有600个人挤满了艺术馆的两个展厅,观看这个“莫奈:印象派大师”(Monet: Master of Impressionism)展,该展览持续到6月15日。The approximately 300,000-square-foot art mall opened in May 2013, and it’s not the only one. Many malls in China now make art-viewing part of the shopping experience, with some devoting themselves equally to exhibiting art and selling merchandise.这个购物艺术中心约占地30万平方英尺,于2013年5月开业,它不是唯一的一家。现在中国的很多购物中心把艺术欣赏作为购物体验的一部分,有些购物中心在展示艺术品和销售商品方面同样用心。The K11 Art Foundation claims to have pioneered the concept, known as museum-retail: Each of its art malls have an in-house team that programs the gallery’s offerings and coordinates how other work appears throughout the building.K11艺术基金会声称自己开创了这个被称为“物馆-零售”的概念:它的每个购物艺术中心都有自己的团队,策划艺术馆的展览,协调整个建筑里所有其他物品的展示方式。As art and commerce mix in China, this art-retail concept has become a formidable trend in shopping-happy Shanghai. Here, art is used as a marketing tool to lure shoppers away from competitors. Those at the helm also see such exhibitions as viable forms of art education in a country where access to art can be limited to the rich and malls are destinations for young people and a new generation of wealthy women.在中国,艺术和商业是结合在一起的,所以这个“艺术-零售”的概念在购物天堂上海成了一股强大的潮流。在这里,艺术变成了市场推广、吸引顾客的手段。掌控大局的那些人也把这些展览看做艺术教育的可行方式,因为在这个国度,只有富人才能接触艺术,购物中心是年轻人和新一代富有女性的目的地。K11 Art Foundation, a nonprofit organization registered in Hong Kong, showcases around 20 works by emerging Chinese artists and blue-chip staples at each of its two K11 Art Malls in Hong Kong and Shanghai, along with holding regular exhibitions. At the top of an escalator at the Shanghai mall, a Damien Hirst sculpture of a naked, headless pregnant woman greets shoppers. Near an organic cafe, an interactive work by the Shanghai art collective island6 plays a loop of a woman pacing with shopping bags.K11艺术基金会是在香港注册的一个非营利组织,它在香港和上海开设了两个K11购物艺术中心,分别展示了中国新晋艺术家和世界艺术大师们的约20件作品。在上海K11的扶梯顶端,达米安·赫斯特(Damien Hirst)的无头裸体妇雕塑在欢迎顾客们。在一个有机咖啡店附近有上海艺术团体六岛创作的互动视频作品,循环播放一个拿着购物袋昂首阔步的女人。Over the coming five years, K11 aims to open iterations of its museum-retail centers across China — in Beijing and Guangzhou, and in rapidly developing cities like Shenyang, Tianjin, Haikou, Ningbo and Guiyang. Two will open in Wuhan.在接下来的五年里,K11计划在中国各地开设更多这样的“物馆-零售”中心——北京、广州以及一些快速发展的城市,比如沈阳、天津、海口、宁波和贵阳。武汉将开设两家。Usually the shows are free, but for the Monet show, tickets cost 100 renminbi, about , to offset the cost of shipping, handling and security for the works, which have been loaned by the Musée Marmottan Monet in Paris. After leaving the show, visitors can buy ephemera like framed posters of water lilies at a gift shop.展览通常是免费的,但是莫奈展览的门票是100元人民币,约合16美元,用以弥补运输、处理和安保的成本。这些作品是从巴黎的马蒙丹·莫奈物馆(Musée Marmottan Monet)借来的。看完展览后,游客们可以在礼品店里购买带框的睡莲海报等小物件。The works on view at K11 are not meant to be for sale. Other art malls, however, tack on the dressings of the museum or gallery experience by adding rentable gallery space or staging sporadic mall-wide exhibitions in collaboration with artists, curators or galleries, sometimes making works available for purchase.K11展示的作品不是用来销售的。不过,其他购物艺术中心在物馆或画廊体验上添加了可供租赁的展览空间或者在整个购物中心进行的不定期展览,与艺术家、策展人或画廊合作,有时作品可供购买。K11’s first mall opened in 2009 in Hong Kong, the hometown of its founder and chairman, Adrian Cheng. Retail-empire building runs in his family: His grandfather is the jewelry-store mogul Cheng Yu-tung, one of the richest people in Hong Kong. Mr. Cheng, an avid art collector who was educated in the ed States, started the foundation in 2008 after moving to China.K11的第一个购物中心2009年在香港开业。香港是它的创始人、主席郑志刚的故乡。他的家族建立了一个零售帝国:他的祖父是珠宝大亨郑裕彤——香港最富有的人之一。郑志刚是个热心的艺术收藏者,在美国接受教育,2008年回中国后开设了这个基金会。“At that time, China was like the Great Gatsby,” he said in Hong Kong, where he organized a show of Zhang Enli paintings under the K11 banner during the Art Basel show there.“那时候,中国就像《了不起的盖茨比》(Great Gatsby)里的情形,”郑志刚在香港说。香港巴塞尔艺术展期间,他以K11的名义组织了张恩利画展。He said his malls provided education, like tours and lectures, about new Chinese artists and art in general. “I have the resources,” Mr. Cheng said, adding, “Chinese audiences, or even Western audiences, are not really sure what’s going on with contemporary emerging Chinese artists.”他说自己的购物中心就像巡演或讲座,提供关于中国新晋艺术家和所有艺术的教育。“我有资源,”郑志刚补充说,“中国观众,甚至包括西方观众,并不真的知道中国当代新晋艺术家们在做什么。”Mr. Cheng’s foundation often supplies its two art malls with work from its two K11 Art Villages, in Wuhan and Guiyang, where Chinese artists can apply for residencies. Just before the Monet exhibition, the gallery space held a show produced by artists at these villages. Within the mall itself, Eric Chan, K11’s director of operations in south China, said the focus was on creating a “nonthreatening setting” for viewing art.郑志刚的基金会通常为自己的两个购物艺术中心提供武汉和贵阳的两个K11艺术村的作品,中国艺术家们可以在这两个艺术村申请住所。在莫奈展览之前,该艺术馆举办了这两个艺术村的艺术家们的作品展。K11的南中国区营运总经理陈健豪在购物中心里说,重点是创造一个“没有威压感的”观赏艺术的“环境”。“A lot of people in China think that art is for very rich people and get intimidated,” Mr. Chan said. Galleries aim to attract 25- to 50-year-old women — “the sophisticated lady,” he said — with children’s art classes and collaborations within stores. The MaxMara store at the mall, for example, exhibited works by three Chinese artists that all used the brand’s signature coat.“在中国,很多人认为只有富豪们才能享受艺术,对艺术感到畏惧,”陈健豪说。艺术馆意在用儿童艺术课堂以及与店铺的合作项目吸引25岁至50岁的女人——他称她们为“成熟的女人”。比如,购物中心里的麦丝玛拉(MaxMara)店铺展示了三位中国艺术家的作品,他们都用了该品牌的标志性大衣。Other malls in Shanghai have begun to capitalize on the publicity that high-profile exhibitions can bring. Last fall Jing’an Kerry Center, a chain throughout the city, held a 25-year retrospective of photography from Elle China; LVMH’s L’Avenue held an exhibition of works by the conceptual artist Xu Zhen last year; and in November the new IAPM Mall threw an exhibition opening for David LaChapelle’s photographs of the new line of Tod’s handbags.上海的其他购物中心也开始利用备受瞩目的展览带来的宣传。去年秋天,静安嘉里中心——该中心在上海有几个连锁店——举办了《Elle》中国版的25年摄影回顾展;去年路威酩轩(LVMH)集团的L’Avenue商场举办了概念艺术家徐震的作品展;去年11月,新的上海环贸IAPM商场为大卫·拉切贝尔(David LaChapelle)的Tod’s新系列手袋摄影展举办了一个开幕式。“Contemporary art in China is categorized within the realm of luxury goods,” said Mathieu Borysevicz, the founder and director of BANK gallery in Shanghai, who has worked in the Chinese art world since the 1990s. “Now the malls themselves have taken the initiative to embrace contemporary art. Of course what starts out as grossly superficial may, hopefully, lead to sincere interest in the future.”“中国当代艺术被归属于奢侈品范畴,”上海BANK画廊的创始人、总监马蒂厄·柏利塞维兹(Mathieu Borysevicz)说。他从20世纪90年代起在中国艺术界工作。“现在购物中心主动欢迎当代艺术。当然,一开始看起来很肤浅的活动将来有可能带来真诚的兴趣。”Not all the shows are tied to fashion. On May 30, Réel Shanghai Department Store opened an exhibition titled “In and Out” with works by artists from ShanghART, one of the city’s premier galleries. The monthlong exhibition focuses on installations best served by the large space, like a small aircraft mounted on wheels by Shi Yong, whose work encompasses photography, performance art and installations.不是所有的展览都与时尚有关。5月30日,芮欧(Réel)百货上海公司开幕了一个名叫“艺想天开”(In and Out)的展览,展示的是香格纳画廊的艺术家们的作品。香格纳画廊是上海的顶级画廊之一。这个为期一个月的展览主要展示大型空间最擅长展示的装置作品,比如施勇的一个安装在轮子上的小型飞行器。施勇的作品包括摄影、行为艺术和装置作品。The painter and installation artist Han Feng’s floating city of parchment paper is featured, as is work by Xu Zhen, who produces pieces with a company of around 30 people under his name.这个展览中的其他一些重要作品包括画家、装置艺术家韩锋用羊皮纸做成的漂浮城市和徐震的作品。徐震和他名下的一个约30人的公司一起创作作品。The opening also inaugurated a new gallery space on the top floor of the mall.这个开幕式还同时为该商场顶层的一个新的展览空间揭幕。The idea of an exhibition at the mall, located at the busy Jing’an subway stop, intrigued ShanghART’s director, Lorenz Helbling. “Art needs to be shown to the public,” said Mr. Helbling, who founded the gallery in 1996. “As long as it is done honestly and with respect to the art and artists.” He said that in Shanghai, mixing art with commerce was not just a trend, but a tradition: One of the city’s first major contemporary art exhibitions, “Art for Sale” in 1999, was staged in a shopping center.在繁忙的静安地铁站的购物中心举办展览引起了香格纳画廊的总监何浦林(Lorenz Helbling)的兴趣。“艺术需要被展现给公众,”何浦林说。他1996年创立了该画廊。“只要它(展览)是诚恳的,是尊重艺术和艺术家的。”他说,在上海,艺术和商业的结合不只是个潮流,也是个传统:这座城市的第一个重要的当代艺术展览“待售的艺术”(Art for Sale)1999年在一个购物中心举办。Inside the Monet exhibition, Mr. Chan, K11’s director of operations, pointed out a painting of the bridge in Giverny. It closely resembled Monet’s “Le Pont Japonais” (The Japanese Bridge), which was sold to an Asian bidder at Sotheby’s in New York on May 7 for .9 million.在莫奈的画展上,K11的营运总经理陈健祥特别提到一幅吉维尼的桥的油画。它很像莫奈的《日本的桥》(The Japanese Bridge),那幅画5月7日在纽约苏富比的拍卖会上以1590万美元的价格卖给了一位亚洲买家。“We have a lot of collectors visit,” Mr. Chan said, smiling. “We wonder: Maybe he was inspired by our exhibition?”“有很多收藏者来访,”陈健祥微笑着说,“我们在想:也许他是受到我们展览的鼓舞而来的?” /201407/308997Why are real interest rates so low? And will they stay this low for long? If they do – as it seems they might – the implications will be profound: good for debtors, bad for creditors and, above all, worrying for the vigour of global demand.为何眼下实际利率这么低?这一局面还将延续很久吗?如果确实如此(目前看来有这样的趋势),那么影响将十分深远:债务人受益,债权人受损,并且最重要的是,不利于全球需求的活跃。The International Monetary Fund’s latest World Economic Outlook includes a fascinating chapter on global real interest rates. Here are its most significant findings.在国际货币基金组织(IMF)最近公布的《世界经济展望》(World Economic Outlook)报告中,有一章关于全球实际利率的分析令人关注。以下就是那一章的最重大发现。First, globalisation has integrated finance. There used to be wide variation in real interest rates between different countries. That is no longer the case, since interest rates everywhere now respond to common influences.首先,全球化促使金融一体化。以前,不同国家的实际利率存在很大差距。现在已不是这样,因为如今各地的利率都对共同的影响因素做出反应。Second, real interest rates – which are adjusted for inflation – have declined a long way since the 1980s. Ten-year rates are close to zero while short-term rates are negative. But the expected real return on equity (estimated from the dividend yield plus the expected growth of dividends) has not fallen by as much (see charts).其次,自上世纪80年代以来,经通胀调整后的实际利率已下降了很多。10年利率接近于零,短期利率则为负值。但预期实际股本回报率(通过股息率和预期股息增长率估算得出)的下降幅度不如实际利率(见图表)。How is one to understand these developments? The real return on financial assets depends on various factors: how much people want to save and invest; what kind of assets savers prefer to hold; and changes in monetary policy. These are not independent of one another. Above all, central banks charged with hitting an inflation target must respond to shifts in demand by changing their monetary policies.应如何理解这些变化呢?金融资产的实际回报取决于多个不同因素:人们想要储蓄多少、投资多少?储蓄者更愿意持有何种资产?以及货币政策发生了何种变化?这几个因素并非相互孤立。最重要的是,各国央行肩负着达到某一通胀目标的使命,它们必须通过改变货币政策来回应需求变化。The IMF reckons that, in the 1980s and early 1990s, changes in monetary policy were the most powerful influence on real interest rates. In the late 1990s, fiscal tightening became the main force driving down real rates. Another important factor was the falling price of investment goods relative to consumption goods. Falling relative prices of information technology mean this is still true.IMF认为,上世纪80年代到90年代初,货币政策的改变是对实际利率影响最大的因素。上世纪90年代末,财政紧缩成为压低实际利率的主要因素。另一个重要因素,是投资品价格相对消费品价格不断降低。信息技术价格相对下降意味着,眼下情况仍然如此。Since the late 1990s, however, much has changed. In emerging economies the savings rate has gone up, largely because incomes were rising. Investors began to favour assets deemed safe. Most importantly, recent financial crises have caused investment to collapse and private savings to jump in the affected economies.但自从上世纪90年代末以来,情况发生了很大变化。在新兴经济体,储蓄率上升,主要是因为收入在增加。投资者开始青睐所谓安全资产。最重要的是,近来的金融危机导致在受到冲击的经济体中,投资显著减少、私人储蓄大幅增加。The IMF argues that declining inflation risk has not contributed to the fall in long-term rates, since the “term sp” – the gap between short and longer-term rates – has not fallen. More important has been the effect of changes in national savings and investment. At the global level, savings must equal investment. So changes in the observed global savings rate will tell us nothing about whether there has been a growing “savings glut” – by which I mean an excess of desired savings over desired investment. Only a shift in the price – the real rate of interest – reveals that.IMF提出,通胀风险降低没有起到助力长期利率降低的作用,因为“期限利差”——指短期利率与长期利率之间的差值——并未下降。更重要的是国民储蓄与投资变化的影响。在全球范围来看,储蓄必然等于投资。所以,我们观察到的全球储蓄率,根本无法告诉我们“储蓄过剩”是否一直在升高。此处“储蓄过剩”是指超出意愿投资额的那部分意愿储蓄。唯有价格——实际利率——的变化能揭示这一点。Strikingly, the 10-year real rate of interest was 4 per cent in the mid-1990s, 2 per cent in the 2000s, before the crisis, and close to zero thereafter. At least two factors lay behind this precipitous fall. Investment fell a long way in high-income economies but soared in emerging ones, especially China; yet the savings rates of emerging economies rose even more than their investment rates. Consequently, these economies became big net exporters of capital.引人注意的是,上世纪90年代中,10年期实际利率为4%,到本世纪头十年(危机之前)降至2%,再后来降至接近零。10年期实际利率陡然下跌背后至少有两个因素在起作用。高收入经济体投资一路下滑,但新兴经济体——尤其是中国——投资却大举升高;不过,新兴经济体储蓄率增幅甚至比投资率增幅还要高。结果,这些经济体成了资本净出口大国。Emerging countries also largely nationalised this capital outflow. Their governments then tended to buy “safe” assets, especially to put in the foreign exchange reserves. This helps explain the portfolio move towards highly rated bonds.新兴国家也将大部分资本输出国有化了。于是,它们的政府倾向于购买“安全”资产,尤其是作为外汇储备。这有助于解释投资组合为何向高评级债券倾斜。The story, in brief, is that shifts in the balance between desired real savings and investment generated a large fall in real interest rates. These were accompanied by changes in portfolio preferences towards safe assets and the collapse in the pre-2000 equity bubble. The shift in the distribution of income towards capital and highly paid employees in high-income countries also weakened demand. The central banks then responded with aggressive monetary policies. These supported explosions of credit generally linked to house-price surges. Both imploded in the crisis. As Lawrence Summers has argued, the high-income economies seem to be worryingly unable to generate good growth in demand without extreme credit instability.简言之,情况是意愿实际储蓄与意愿实际投资之间的差额发生变化,导致实际利率大幅下降。另外两个因素是,投资组合偏好发生变化、向安全资产倾斜,以及2000年前股票泡沫的破灭。在高收入国家,收入分配向资本方和高薪员工倾斜,也弱化了需求。于是各中央推出了激进的货币政策。这推动了信贷大膨胀,信贷大膨胀通常看来与房价猛涨脱不开干系。信贷和房价在危机中都崩溃了。正如劳伦斯#8226;萨默斯(Lawrence Summers)所指出那样,令人担忧的是,高收入经济体似乎无法在不制造极端信贷动荡的前提下,推动需求强劲增长。This is not a short-term story. The label “secular stagnation” looks apposite. The IMF agrees that real interest rates could remain low for a prolonged time. If governments persist with planned tightening of fiscal policies, this seems certain. If investment rates fell sharply in China, global real rates might need to fall still further. That is difficult while inflation is so low.这种情况并不是短期内的。“长期增长停滞”(secular stagnation)看上去是个贴切的论断。IMF赞同实际利率可能在长期内维持低位的观点。如果各国政府坚持按计划实行紧缩的财政政策,则看来注定会出现这种局面。如果中国投资率大幅下降,那么全球实际利率可能需要进一步下降。在通胀如此低的情况下,这很难办到。What might reverse this? The obvious possibility is a jump in investment in high-income countries driven by the relatively high expected returns on equity. The obstacles here are threefold. One is that chief executives are not rewarded for investing for the long term; another is that investment goods are becoming cheaper all the time; and another is that, when the future is uncertain and the economy sluggish, companies rationally prefer to wait before they invest.靠什么才能扭转这一局面?一个显而易见的可能药方,是相对较高的预期股本收益率驱动高收入国家的投资猛增。这里有三重障碍。一是首席执行官没有动力为长期而投资;另一个是投资品的价格一直在降低;最后一个是,当未来不确定、经济又低迷时,企业出于理性考虑,愿意观望而不愿投资。Another possibility is a big fall in savings in emerging economies. But this seems unlikely, at least without a collapse in oil prices.** That leaves the option of sustained fiscal deficits in high-income countries, ideally to be invested in infrastructure. Housing-related credit booms are a far worse option. Redistribution towards the spenders seems quite inconceivable.第二个可能药方,是新兴经济体储蓄率大幅下降。但这似乎不可能实现,至少油价不暴跌的话就不太可能实现。那就只剩下一个选择,即高收入国家维持财政赤字,最好投资于基础设施。与房地产相联系的信贷繁荣则是一个糟糕得多的选择。通过再分配向花钱者倾斜看上去不可思议。If real interest rates do indeed remain low for a long time, creditors are going to find life difficult. But managing the post-crisis public finances should be far easier than the hysterics assume. A really big question in such a world is whether conventional inflation targets might be too low, because they do not give enough room for real interest rates to fall as far below zero as necessary.如果实际利率确实长期维持在低水平,那么债权人未来会觉得日子不好过。但管理后危机时代的公共财政,应当会比歇斯底里者认为的容易得多。如此世界一个真正的大问题,是常规的通胀目标定得可能太低了,因为没有给实际利率在必要时降至负值留下足够大的空间。The immediate question, however is: how do we generate the demand that is needed to mop up potential global supply? Failure to answer that need in a sensible way was a leading cause of the crisis. Continued failure will blight the recovery or, worse, cause another bout of financial and economic upheaval. Do not imagine these challenges will soon vanish. They look like a semi-permanent condition.不过,当前的紧迫问题是,我们应如何产生撑潜在全球供应所离不开的需求?不能以合理方式满足这一要求是过去引发危机的一个主要因素。这一要求继续得不到满足将阻碍复苏,更严重者,将引发又一轮金融与经济动荡。不要臆想这些挑战不久后就会消失,它们看来就像一种半永久性的病症。 /201405/295035富阳二人民医院b超

富阳1个月如何人流Prosecutors on Thursday brought a string of criminal charges against one of China#39;s most controversial magnates, a man once known for his mink coat and black Ferrari. Now he faces allegations of murder, illegal firearm rackets and #39;Mafia-style conspiracy.#39;中国检察机关周四对四川汉龙集团(Sichuan Hanlong Group)原董事长刘汉提起刑事公诉,曾以一身貂皮大衣和黑色法拉利轿车闻名的刘汉是中国最具争议的富豪之一。他被指控犯有故意杀人罪、非法买卖和持有罪、组织、领导、参加黑社会性质组织罪。Liu Han, the former chairman of mining company Sichuan Hanlong Group, was among 36 people charged by prosecutors at the Xianning City Intermediate People#39;s Court, said Zheng Jiwei, research office director of the Xianning municipal people#39;s procuratorate, confirming a report by the official Xinhua news agency. Mr. Liu#39;s brother, Liu Wei, was also among those charged by the prosecutors in central Hubei province.湖北省咸宁市人民检察院政研室的郑继伟实了新华社的报道。包括刘汉在内的36人已在咸宁市中级人民法院被提起公诉,刘汉的弟弟刘维也是被告之一。The state#39;s charges could have been ripped from a pulp novel on Cosa Nostra. The group allegedly built a criminal network that spanned from Beijing to Sichuan province in the west, Guangdong province in the south, and 10 other provinces and cities, Xinhua said. In an investigation covering #39;hundreds of thousands of kilometers,#39; authorities recovered a cache consisting of #39;three grenades, 20 firearms of various types, 677 bullets, [and] 2,163 steel-ball bullets,#39; Xinhua said.据新华社报道,负责侦办此案的公安民警辗转四川、北京、广东等十余个省市,行程数十万公里,追缴军用手榴弹三枚、各类20、子弹677发,钢珠弹2,163发。The trail of destruction killed nine people, it said. The Hubei court declined to comment on the case or to disclose Mr. Liu#39;s counsel. The Liu brothers couldn#39;t be reached for comment. Liu Wei also goes the name Liu Yong, official reports say.检方表示,刘汉等人的犯罪行为共造成九人死亡。咸宁市中级人民法院对此案不予置评,也未透露刘汉辩护律师的信息。记者未能与刘氏兄弟取得联系。据官方报道,刘维又名刘勇。The charges against Liu Han cap a career marked by excess. In 2012, he drew media attention for an abortive .3 billion plan to blast the top off a hill in Nevada in search of molybdenum, a metal used to strengthen steel.针对刘汉的指控将给他张扬外显的事业画上句号。2012年,他曾计划在内华达州开展一项13亿美元的项目,进行山顶爆破、开采钼矿。计划虽然流产,但他因此吸引了媒体的关注。钼是一种可加固钢铁的金属。Mr. Liu#39;s company, which also owns hydropower dams and natural-gas distribution networks, sought to pay .4 billion for Australia#39;s Sundance Resources Ltd., which owns iron-ore mines in Africa. The deal fell apart last March after police said they had detained Mr. Liu on suspicion of harboring Liu Wei, whom police suspected of murder. A warrant issued at that time detailed Liu Wei#39;s involvement in a 2009 gangland-style triple killing at a teahouse in the brothers#39; hometown of Guanghan in Sichuan province.刘汉的公司还拥有水电大坝和天然气输配网络。该公司曾拟斥资14亿美元收购澳大利亚的Sundance Resources Ltd.,后者拥有非洲铁矿石矿产。此项交易去年3月份宣告失败,因警方之前表示,已经拘留了刘汉,理由是其涉嫌窝藏谋杀嫌犯刘维。当时公布的一份明材料详细描述了刘维参与2009年一起黑社会性质的谋杀案的情况。这起谋杀案发生在刘氏兄弟家乡四川省广汉市的一个茶馆里,当时有三人被杀。The Xinhua report said the charges against the gang of 36 include #39;participating in a crime syndicate, intentional homicide, intentional assault, illegal detention, obstruction of official work, extortion, opening an illegal casino, illegal trade in firearms, illegal possession of firearms and ammunition, illegal businesses, bid-rigging and the intentional destruction of property.#39;新华社报道,针对这36人团伙的指控包括参加黑社会性质组织、故意杀人、故意伤害、非法拘禁、妨碍执行公务、敲诈勒索、开设非法场所、非法倒卖、非法拥有弹药、非法经营、串通投标以及故意毁坏财物。In his hour of reckoning with China#39;s judicial machine, one of Liu Han#39;s es may come back to haunt him. In an interview with The Wall Street Journal in 2010, he said, before blazing away in his Ferrari: #39;Liu Han always wins. Liu Han never loses.#39;在他接受中国司法机关审判时,人们可能会想起刘汉曾说过的一句话。刘汉曾在2010年接受《华尔街日报》(The Wall Street Journal)采访。在接受采访后驾驶他那辆黑色法拉利飞奔而去之前,他曾说:刘汉从来都是赢家,刘汉从不失手。Criminal cases normally take about a month to go to trial after charges are filed, but some may take longer, Mr. Zheng of the prosecutors#39; office said.咸宁市人民检察院政研室的郑继伟说,刑事案件一般会在起诉后的一个月左右审理,但有些案件需要的时间可能会长一些。 /201402/277074环山乡治疗妇科疾病多少钱 胥口镇人民医院做输卵管通液多少钱

富阳包皮过长的治疗费用大概是多少 Earlier this month, thousands of people crowded around a group of chengguan in southern China, severely beating and bloodying the officers. This week, the country#39;s state broadcaster issued footage of the incident that shows just how deeply on edge many segments of society are, and how quickly they can be inflamed.本月早些时候在中国南方某地,几千民众围着一群城管队员暴打,致使这些队员们头破血流。本周,中国官方电视台发布了那次事件的视频。这一事件显示出中国各种社会矛盾积压得有多深,以及矛盾激化的程度有多快。Though China enjoys a low violent crime rate compared with the West, in recent years, violence has experienced an uptick. The average number of violent assaults by dissatisfied patients on medical personnel, for example, rose 30% between 2008 and 2012, including several fatal cases. The country#39;s police recently began arming themselves in greater numbers, in part to try to ward against future incidents such as a mass slaying at a train station in Kunming that left 33 dead in March.Youku虽然与西方相比,中国暴力犯罪发生率较低,但近年来,暴力活动呈上升趋势。举例来说,2008年至2012年,心怀不满的患者对医护人员的暴力袭击事件数量上升了30%,包括几起致死案件。中国警方最近开始升级装备,一定程度上是为了防范未来再次出现类似今年3月昆明火车站那样的大规模伤人事件。昆明事件导致33人死亡。As this month#39;s beating in Cangnan, Zhejiang province, showed, crowds can swiftly turn fractious and uncontrollable. For many years, antigovernment protests in China were largely confined to rural areas and carried out by farmers who had been thrown off their land. More recently, they#39;ve begun to involve migrant workers, who have been known to torch buildings, overturn police cars and smash windows.而本月浙江省苍南县的打人事件显示出,群众情绪可能很快暴怒失控。多年来,中国的反政府抗议活动基本上局限于农村地区,进行抗议的都是被强行征地的农民。最近,这类活动开始有农民工参与,抗议者曾经点燃建筑、掀翻警车、砸碎窗户。But if the sea of smartphones amid the angry mob in Zhejiang is any indication, participants there weren#39;t just disaffected migrant workers or the dispossessed but firmly planted in the country#39;s middle class.但浙江打人事件中,愤怒的打人者中不少人拿着智能手机,这说明参与者不仅仅是心怀不满的农民工或失地农民,还包括了中国的中产阶级。The incident was touched off when chengguan, China#39;s urban para-police, began beating a man in a white shirt while trying to take away his cellphone after they spotted him photographing them. Footage showed the man lying on the ground with bloodied clothes, as passersby gaped and photographed him.这起事件的起因是,城管队员发现一名身穿白衬衫的男子在拍摄他们的行动,之后试图夺走该男子的手机时开始殴打此人。视频显示此人躺在地上,衣上沾着血迹,路人围着他,拍下了他的照片。So far, so much par for the course--China#39;s chengguan, charged with maintaining public order, are notorious for roughing up street vendors and protesters, sometimes with fatal results. But the chengguan, surely, didn#39;t expect what happened next. As a local store owner told CCTV, #39;Someone shouted, #39;Chengguan are beating someone!#39;#39;至此,整个过程都是意料之中的——在中国,负责维护公共秩序的城管因粗暴对待街头小贩和抗议者、有时甚至闹出人命而声名狼藉。但这次事件中的城管肯定没有预料到接下来发生的事情。一位当地店主对中央电视台说,有人大喊,城管打人啦!An angry crowd surged, throwing stones and pushing violently up against masses of police who tried to stop them. Armed with cellphones, members of the mob quickly posted news of the incident online, attracting thousands. Several chengguan were beaten by the crowd. They tried to hide in a van, and its windows were smashed; two lost blood and went into shock. As footage details, when an ambulance arrived at the scene to try to reach the officers, it was promptly surrounded by a sea of people who tipped it over onto its side and then cheered.愤怒的群众涌上来,朝试图阻止他们的大群警察扔石头并激烈推搡。人群中有不少人拿着手机,很快就将这起事件的消息发布到网上,吸引了成千上万人关注。几名城管队员被人群殴打。他们试图躲进一辆厢式车里,但车子的窗户被打碎;两人失血休克。视频中显示,一辆救护车抵达现场试图救出几名城管队员,但马上就被人群包围。人们掀翻了救护车,然后发出欢呼。CCTV said all five chengguan involved in the incident are in administrative detention, along with 11 suspected of beating the officers.中央电视台称,当事的所有五名城管目前都已被行政拘留,同时被拘留的还有11名涉嫌殴打城管的路人。The dramatic footage is a window into the fights occasionally waged on China#39;s streets, as well as the depths of mistrust with which the chengguan are held. When two chengguan were killed in 2009 during a scuffle with a street vendor in northeastern China, the country#39;s social media networks subsequently lit up with support for the vendor responsible for their deaths, following claims by his wife that he acted in self-defense.这段颇具戏剧性的视频为人们了解中国街头不时发生的此类冲突提供了一个窗口,同时也揭示出民众对城管的不信任程度之深。2009年,在中国东北,两名城管在与一名街头小贩扭打时被杀。这名小贩的妻子称,丈夫当时的行为只是出于自卫。对于这名对两个城管之死负有责任的小贩,中国的社交媒体网络随即展开了声援。For its part, the country#39;s state broadcaster was intent on stressing the fact that this month#39;s crowd amassed in part because of people hearing information about the incident on social media platforms such as Weibo. In the aftermath of the incident, some had sp information--ultimately untrue--that the man attempting to photograph the chengguan had been killed. #39;After [such information sp], the situation started to get out of control,#39; the newscaster said.关于本月的事件,中央电视台特别强调了这样一个事实:此次之所以会出现民众聚集,部分原因是人们通过微(Weibo)等社交媒体平台听说了有关此事的一些消息。在事件发生后,一些人散布消息说,试图给城管拍照的男子已经身亡。但这一消息并不属实。中央电视台称,在有人散布了这种消息后,局面开始失控。The government has launched a concerted campaign to uproot the sp of rumors it deems harmful to society, including going so far as to institute prison sentences for people who have posted messages on social media containing untrue information reposted 500 times or more.为根除在官方看来危害社会的谣言传播,中国政府已经展开一场协调行动。其中一个行动就是规定如果在社交媒体发布的包含不实信息的消息被转发500次及以上,则消息发布者将被追究刑事责任。The volatile nature of China#39;s crowds is a sign of the challenges the government faces, and a window into what#39;s motivated such draconian laws. If a single spark can start a prairie fire, perhaps it#39;s no surprise that the incident in Zhejiang has prompted such a round of introspection by state media, as well as further fuel for the state#39;s antirumor campaign. Nor, perhaps, is it surprising that the country#39;s budget for internal security spending has grown faster than its national defense spending in recent years.中国大众的不稳定性显示出政府面临的挑战,同时也揭示出政府出台这种严厉法规的原因。如果星火能够燎原,那么浙江的这起事件引发了中国官方媒体这样一轮反思并进一步促使中国打击网络谣言可能不足为奇。或许同样不足为奇的是,近些年来中国在国内治安上的预算出增速快于国防出。As the Beijing Youth Daily pointed out, though, #39;Simply criticizing #39;rumors#39; is easy--and those who sp rumors will be punished by the law. What we need to understand is why the average person believes it#39;s better to believe these rumors, rather than disbelieve them.#39;但正如《北京青年报》所说的,简单谴责“谣言”是容易的,造谣传谣者也自当受到法律制裁,但必须追问的是,一般人对这样的“谣言”,为何总是宁可信其有,不可信其无? /201404/293273鹿山街道儿童医院妇科专家新登镇妇幼保健医院专家咨询

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