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淮安治疗尿道炎好的医院盱眙县妇幼保健院子宫肌瘤多少钱President Bush Participates in Roundtable Meeting on Economy THE PRESIDENT: I am honored to be with you all. Thank you very much for hosting this meeting here, and the good folks from Alexandria and Pineville, Louisiana. I have come to talk about the economic situation in the country. A lot of the people down here and other parts of the country are wondering why a free market-oriented President made the decisions to -- necessary to get the government buying stocks in banks, for example. Why would you do that? The answer is because I was deeply concerned about a financial crisis becoming so profound and so acute that it hurt the people and small business owners here in Alexandria and Pineville, that's why. If I felt that the crisis could be contained in Wall Street, then I'd have taken a different course of action. But the crisis that is gripping this country, and still has a grip on this country, affects the people around this table. And that's why I made the decision I made. Part of that decision is to make sure that the people who end up with hardworking taxpayers' money don't enrich themselves as a result of that kind of money. I was talking to Rodney Alexander -- he's a fine congressman from this part of the world -- he said, one thing people want to make sure of, Mr. President, is that when you invest that they're not able to take that government investment and use it to their own advantage, personally -- in other words, golden parachutes, or something like that. Secondly, I believe -- and I can say this with confidence to the people out here -- that I think we're going to get -- be able to get most of your money back. And the reason I say that is because the government is really making investments, and obviously making investments in a difficult period for our economy. And we're big enough and patient enough to be able to hold these investments. Plus the investments are structured to encourage, for example, big banks, when they get back on their feet and get doing better to buy back the shares or get somebody else to buy back the shares. One of the things that I have heard around the table -- and I'm not surprised -- is that the regional banks and the community banks, which provide such an important part of many communities -- are such an important part of many communities, and provide such stability for the country's financial system, they're worried about being labeled with the same brush as some of the big banks that have had economic difficulties. And I think the people in Alexandria need to know that community banks are strong, and they got good capital ratios, and they're healthy. And that's good. It's going to be very important for the small business sector. I am deeply concerned about the small business sector. Seventy percent of new jobs in America are created by small business owners, and we've got small business owners with us today. One of the problems facing small business owners is that they were very worried that their non-interest-bearing accounts in banks were not insured. And so the FDIC took action to insure those accounts so that small business owners can be comfortable that the money they got in place for inventories are in good shape. And then the question I've asked here is, what are the attitudes like? And I have heard that people's attitudes are beginning to change, from a period of intense concerns -- and I would call it near panic -- to being more relaxed and beginning to see the effects of changes and the liquidity that is being pumped in the system, that we got a long way to go. As I said Friday, this thaw -- took a while to thaw, it's going to take a while to unthaw. But it's -- but the attitude here is a little different than it might have been a week ago. And so I want to thank you all very much for giving me a chance to come visit with you. I'm very fond of this part of the country. It's not that far away from my home state. And so, appreciate your time. Appreciate the good folks in this part of the world. I do want to thank all those who have said prayers for me and Laura during our presidency. It's meant an awful lot. Thank you all. 200810/53542江苏省淮安市第二人民医院在那儿 Dwight D. Eisenhower:Atoms for PeaceDelivered8 December1953,edNationsGeneral AssemblyAUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED:Textversion belowtranscribeddirectlyfromaudioMadam President and Members of the General Assembly:When Secretary GeneralHammarskjoldrsquo;s invitation to address this GeneralAssembly reachedme in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences withthe Prime Ministers andForeign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems thatbeset our world.During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, Ihadconstantly in mind that ahead of melay a greathonor. Thathonor is mine today, as I stand here, privilegedto address the GeneralAssembly of the ed Nations.Atthe same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense ofexhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before inhistory has somuch hope for somany people been gathered together in a singleorganization. Your deliberations and decisionsduring these somber years have aly realized part of those hopes.Butthe greattests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confidentexpectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, Ihold,to assure you that the Government of the ed States will remainsteadfastinits support ofthis body.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page1AmericanRhetoric.comThis we shall doin the convictionthatyou will provide a great share of the wisdom, of thecourage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for allnations, andhappiness and wellbeingfor allmen.Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present toyou a unilateralAmerican report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations onthatlovely island we soughtto invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and humandignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would itbe a measure of thisgreat opportunity merely to recite,however hopefully, pious platitudes.I therefore decidedthatthis occasion warranted my saying toyousome of the things thathave been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine,for a greatmany months thoughtsI had originally planned to say primarily to the Americanpeople.I know thatthe American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists inthe world,it isa danger shared by all. and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, thathopeshould be shared by all.Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallestmeasure the tensions of todayrsquo;s world, whatmore appropriate audience could there be thanthe members of the GeneralAssembly of the ed Nations. Ifeelimpelled to speak today ina language that in a sense is new, one whichI, who have spentso much of my life in themilitary profession, would have preferred neverto use. That new language is the language ofatomic warfare.The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should havesome comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of theutmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct anintelligentsearchfor peace, they must be armed withthe significant facts of todayrsquo;sexistence.My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in ed States terms, for theseare the only incontrovertible facts that Iknow. I need hardly point outto this Assembly,however, that this subjectis global, not merely nationalin character.On July 16, 1945, the ed States set off theworldrsquo;s first atomic explosion.Since that date in 1945, the ed States of America has conducted fortytwotest explosions.Atomic bombs today are more thantwentyfivetimes as powerful as the weapons with whichthe atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are inthe ranges of millions of tons of TNTequivalent.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page2AmericanRhetoric.comToday, the ed States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily,exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shellsthat came from every plane and every gunin every theatre of war in all the years of WorldWar II.A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target adestructive cargo exceeding in power allthe bombs thatfell on Britainin all ofWorld War II.Insize and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been noless remarkable. Thedevelopmenthas been suchthat atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional statuswithin our armed services.Inthe ed States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capableof putting this weaponto military use. But the d secret and the fearfulengines of atomicmight are not ours alone.Inthe first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, GreatBritain and Canada,whose scientific genius made a tremendous contributionto our original discoveries and thedesigns of atomic bombs.The secret is also known by the SovietUnion.The Soviet Unionhas informed us that, over recent years, ithas devoted extensive resourcesto atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Unionhas exploded a series of atomicadvices devices,including atleast one involving thermonuclearreactions. If at one timethe es States possessed what mighthave been called a monopoly of atomic power, thatmonopoly ceased to exist several years ago.Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate whatis today a greatquantitative advantage,the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greatersignificance.First, the knowledge now possessed by severalnations will eventually be shared by others,possibly all others.Second, even a vast superiority innumbers of weapons, and a consequent capability ofdevastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearfulmaterial damage and tollof humanlives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, atleast dimlyaware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defensesystems. That program will be accelerated and expanded.Butletno one think thattheexpenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safetyfor the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does notpermit of any sucheasy solution. Even againstthe most powerful defense, an aggressor inpossession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack couldprobably place a sufficientnumber of his bombson the chosen targets tocause hideousdamage.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page3AmericanRhetoric.comShould such an atomic attack be launched againstthe ed States, our reactions would beswift and resolute. But for me to say thatthe defense capabilities of the ed States aresuchthatthey could inflictterrible losses upon an aggressor,for me to say that the retaliationcapabilities of the es States are so greatthat such an aggressorrsquo;s land would be laidwaste, all this, while fact, is notthe true expression of the purpose and the hope of the edStates.To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi aredoomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world.To stop therewould be to accepthope helplesslythe probability of civilization destroyed,the annihilationof the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed downto use generationfrom generation, andthe condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the ageoldstruggle upwardfromsavagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human racecould discover victory in such desolation.Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation anddestruction? Occasional pages of history dorecord the faces of the ;great destroyers,; butthewhole book of history reveals mankindrsquo;s neverendingquestfor peace and mankindrsquo;s Godgivencapacity to build.Itis with the book of history, and not withisolated pages,that the ed States will everwish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wantsagreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidencethatthe people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.So my countryrsquo;s purpose is tohelp us move outof the dark chamber of horrors intothe light,to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of meneverywhere,can move forwardtoward peace and happiness and wellbeing.Inthis quest, I know that we must not lack patience. Iknowthatin a world divided, such asours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act.I know that many steps willhave to be taken over many months before the world canlook at itself one day and trulyrealize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world.But Iknow,above all else, that we muststarttotake thesesteps now.The ed States and its allies, GreatBritain and France, have, over the pastmonths, tried totake some of these steps. Let no one say that we shunthe conference table.On the recordhas long stood the request of the ed States, GreatBritain, and France tonegotiate withthe SovietUnionthe problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood therequest of the same three nations to negotiate anAustrian peace treaty. Onthe same recordstill stands the request of the ed Nations tonegotiate the problems of Korea.Most recently we have received from the SovietUnion what is in effect an expressionofwillingness tohold a fourPowermeeting.Along with our allies, GreatBritain and France, wewere pleasedto see thathis note did not containthe unacceptable preconditionspreviouslyTranscription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page4AmericanRhetoric.comput forward.Asyou aly know from our joint Bermuda communiqueacute;, the ed States,Great Britain, and France have agreed promptlyto meet withthe Soviet Union.The Government of the ed States approaches this conference withhopeful sincerity. Wewill bend every effort of our minds tothe single purpose of emerging from that conferencewithtangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. Wenever have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what isrightfully theirs. We willnever say that the people of Russia are anenemy with whom we haveno desire ever todeal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.Onthe contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with theSovietUnion which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the Eastand of the Westtheone sure, human way ofdeveloping the understanding required forconfident and peaceful relations.Instead of the discontent whichis now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, andthe countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free Europeannations, withnone a threattothe other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia.Beyond theturmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples todevelop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.These are notidle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come toindependence, not as a result of war, butthrough free grant or peacefulnegotiation. There isa record aly written of assistance gladly given by nations of the Westto needy peoplesand to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. Theseare deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peacefulintent.But I donot wishto rest either uponthe reiteration of past proposals or the restatement ofpast deeds.The gravity of the time is suchthatevery new avenue of peace,nomatter howdimly discernible, should be explored.There is atleast one new avenue of peace whichhasnotyet been well explored anavenue now laid out by the GeneralAssembly of the esNations.Inits resolution of November 18th, 1953thisGeneral Assembly suggested andI e ;thatthe Disarmament Commissionstudy the desirability of establishing a subcommitteeconsisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, whichshould seek in privatean acceptable solution and report such a solutionto the GeneralAssembly and tothe SecurityCouncil notlater thanSeptember 1, of 1954.;The ed States, heeding the suggestion of the GeneralAssembly of the ed Nations, isinstantly prepared tomeet privately with such other countries as may be ;principallyinvolved,; to seek ;an acceptable solution; tothe atomic armaments race which overshadowsnot only the peace, butthe very life of the world. We shall carry intothese private ordiplomatic talks a new conception.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page5AmericanRhetoric.comThe ed States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materialsfor military purposes. Itis not enoughto take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. Itmust be put intothe hands of those who will know how tostrip its military casing and adaptitto the arts of peace.The ed States knows thatif the fearfultrend of atomic military buildupcan be reversed,this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of allmankind. The ed States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of thefuture. That capability, aly proved,is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire bodyof the worldrsquo;s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material withwhichtotest and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed intouniversal, efficient, and economic usage?To hastenthe day whenfear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people andthe governments of the East and West, there are certainsteps thatcan be takennow. Itherefore make the following proposals:The governments principally involved,to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, tobegin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normaluraniumand fissionable materials toaninternational atomic energy agency. We would expect thatsuch an agency would be setup under the aegis of the ed Nations.The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be withinthescope of the ;private conversations; I have referred toearlier.The ed States is prepared toundertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner ofthe ed States acting in the same good faithwill find the ed States a not unreasonableor ungenerous associate.Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However,the proposal has the great virtue thatit can be undertaken without the irritations and mutualsuspicions incident to any attemptto setup a completely acceptable system of worldwideinspection and control.The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, andprotection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientistswill provide special, safe conditions under whichsuch a bank of fissionable material can bemade essentially immune to surprise seizure.The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methodswhereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits ofmankind.Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture,medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundantelectrical energy in the powerstarvedareas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers wouldbe dedicating some of their strengthto serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page6AmericanRhetoric.comThe ed States would be more than willing itwould be proud totake up with others;principally involved; the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energywould be expedited.Of those ;principally involved;the SovietUnionmust, of course, be one. I would be preparedto submit tothe Congress of the ed States, and with every expectation of approval, anysuch plan that would, first, encourage worldwideinvestigation intothe most effectivepeacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty thatthey [the investigators] hadallthe materialneeded for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate. second,begin todiminish the potential destructive power of the worldrsquo;s atomic stockpiles. third, allowallpeoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age,the great Powers of the earth,both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather thaninbuilding up the armaments of war. fourth, openup a newchannel for peaceful discussion andinitiate atleast a new approach tothe many difficult problems that must be solved inbothprivate and public conversations, if the world isto shake offthe inertia imposed by fear and isto make positive progress toward peace.Againstthe dark background of the atomic bomb, the ed States does not wish merely topresent strength, but alsothe desire and the hope for peace.The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. Inthis Assembly, in the capitals andmilitary headquarters of the world, in the hearts of meneverywhere, be they governed orgovernors, may they be the decisions which willleadthis world out of fear and into peace.To the making of these fateful decisions, the ed States pledges before you, and thereforebefore the world,its determinationto help solve the fearful atomic dilemma todevote itsentire heart and mind tofind the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shallnotbe dedicated to his death, but consecrated tohis life.I againthank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appearbefore them and in listening me tome so courteously.Thank you. /201205/182136Download Video: mp4 (229MB) | mp3 (22MB) PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon, everybody. I want to begin by thanking my friend, President Sarkozy, for his leadership and his hospitality. And I want to thank the people of Cannes for this extraordinary setting.Over the past two years, those of us in the G20 have worked together to rescue the global economy, to avert another depression, and to put us on the path to recovery. But we came to Cannes with no illusions. The recovery has been fragile. And since our last meeting in Seoul we’ve experienced a number of new shocks -- disruptions in oil supplies, the tragic tsunami in Japan, and the financial crisis in Europe.As a result, advanced economies, including the ed States are growing and creating jobs, but not nearly fast enough. Emerging economies have started to slow. Global demand is weakening. Around the world, hundreds of millions of people are unemployed, or underemployed. Put simply, the world faces challenges that put our economic recovery at risk. So the central question coming into Cannes was this: Could the world’s largest economies confront this challenge squarely -- understanding that these problems will not be solved overnight, could we make progress? After two days of very substantive discussions I can say that we’ve come together and made important progress to put our economic recoveries on a firmer footing. With respect to Europe, we came to Cannes to discuss with our European friends how they will move forward and build upon the plan they agreed to last week to resolve this crisis. Events in Greece over the past 24 hours have underscored the importance of implementing the plan, fully and as quickly as possible. Having heard from our European partners over the past two days, I am confidence that Europe has the capacity to meet this challenge. I know it isn’t easy, but what is absolutely critical, and what the world looks for in moments such as this, is action. That’s how we confronted our financial crisis in the ed States -- having our banks submit to stress tests that were rigorous, increasing capital buffers, and passing the strongest financial reforms since the Great Depression. None of that was easy, and it certainly wasn’t always popular. But we did what was necessary to address the crisis, put ourselves on a stronger footing, and help rescue the global economy. And that’s the challenge that Europe now faces. Make no mistake, there's more hard work ahead and more difficult choices to make. But our European partners have laid a foundation on which to build, and it has all the elements needed for success: a credible firewall to prevent the crisis from sping, strengthening European banks, charting a sustainable path for Greece, and confronting the structural issues that are at the heart of the current crisis.And here in Cannes we’ve moved the ball forward. Europe remains on track to implement a sustainable path for Greece. Italy has agreed to a monitoring program with the IMF -- in fact, invited it. Tools have been identified that will better enable the world to support European action. And European finance ministers will carry this work forward next week.All of us have an enormous interest in Europe's success, and all of us will be affected if Europe is not growing -- and that certainly includes the ed States, which counts Europe as our largest trading partner. If Europe isn't growing, it's harder for us to do what we need to do for the American people: creating jobs, lifting up the middle class, and putting our fiscal house in order. And that's why I've made it clear that the ed States will continue to do our part to support our European partners as they work to resolve this crisis.More broadly, we agreed to stay focused on jobs and growth with an action plan in which each nation does its part. In the ed States, we recognize, as the world's largest economy, the most important thing we can do for global growth is to get our own economy growing faster. Back home, we're fighting for the American Jobs Act, which will put people back to work, even as we meet our responsibilities to reduce our deficit in the coming years.We also made progress here in Cannes on our rebalancing agenda. In an important step forward, countries with large surpluses and export-oriented countries agreed to take additional steps to support growth and boost demand in their own countries. In addition, we welcome China's determination to increase the flexibility of the RMB. This is something we've been calling for for some time, and it will be a critical step in boosting growth.Finally, we also made progress across a range of challenges to our shared prosperity. Following our reforms in the ed States, the G20 adopted an unprecedented set of high-level financial reforms to prevent a crisis in the future. We agreed to keep phasing out fossil fuel subsidies -- perhaps the single-most important step we can take in the near term to fight climate change and create clean-energy economies. And even as our countries work to save lives from the drought and terrible famine in the Horn of Africa, we agreed on the need to mobilize new resources to support the development that lifts nations out of poverty.So, again, I want to thank President Sarkozy and our French hosts for a productive summit. I want to thank my fellow leaders for their partnership and for the progress we've made to create the jobs and prosperity that our people deserve.So with that, let me take a few questions. I'll start with Jim Kuhnhenn of AP.Q New jobless numbers today back in the States. You're on a pace to face the voters with the highest unemployment rate of any postwar President. And doesn't that make you significantly vulnerable to a Republican who might run on a message of change? And if I may add, given that you have just witnessed the difficulties of averting economic problems beyond your control, what state do you think the economy will be in when you face reelection next year?PRESIDENT OBAMA: Jim, I have to tell you the least of my concerns at the moment is the politics of a year from now. I'm worried about putting people back to work right now, because those folks are hurting and the U.S. economy is underperforming. And so everything that we're doing here in the -- here at the G20 mirrors our efforts back home -- that is, how do we boost growth; how do we shrink our deficits in a way that doesn't slow the recovery right now; how do we make sure that our workers are getting the skills and the training they need to compete in a global economy. And not only does the American Jobs Act answer some of the needs for jobs now, but it will also lay the foundation for future growth through investments in infrastructure, for example.So my hope is, is that the folks back home, including those in the ed States Senate and the House of Representatives, when they look at today’s job numbers -- which were positive but indicate once again that the economy is growing way too slow -- that they think twice before they vote “no” again on the only proposal out there right now that independent economists say would actually make a dent in unemployment right now. There’s no excuse for inaction. That’s true globally; it’s certainly true back home as well. And I’m going to keep on pushing it regardless of what the politics are.Chuck Todd.Q Thank you, Mr. President. Clearly, there was some sort of dispute between you and the European leaders about how to fund this bailout. And you, in your remarks, emphasized the fact that TARP was done with U.S. funds, that there wasn’t any international involvement here. Are you confident now that the European leaders are going to own this firewall or bailout fund themselves, not looking for handouts from other countries, and that they will do what they have to do?And the second part of my question is, how hard was it to convince these folks to do stimulus measures when your own stimulus measure -- you’ve mentioned it twice now -- is not going anywhere right now on Capitol Hill?PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, we didn’t have a long conversation about stimulus measures, so that was maybe two or three G20s ago. We had a discussion about what steps could be taken to continue to spur economic growth. And that may not always involve government spending. For example, the rebalancing agenda that I talked about is one way in which we can make a big difference in spurring on global demand. It requires some adjustments, some changes in behavior on the part of countries. But it doesn’t necessarily involve classic fiscal stimulus.It wasn’t a dispute with the Europeans. I think the Europeans agree with us that it is important to send a clear signal that the European project is alive and well, and that they are committed to the euro, and that they are committed to resolving this crisis. And I think if you talk to European leaders, they are the first ones to say that that begins with European leaders arriving at a common course of action.So essentially, what we’ve seen is all the elements for dealing with the crisis put in place, and we think those are the right elements. The first is having a solution to the specific problem of Greece. And although the actions of Papandreou and the referendum issue over the last couple of days I think got a lot of people nervous, the truth is, is that the general approach -- which involved a voluntary reduction on the part of those who hold the Greeks’ debt, reducing the obligations of the Greek government -- Greece continuing with reforms and structural change, that’s the right recipe. It just has to be carried out. And I was encouraged by the fact that despite all the turmoil in Greece, even the opposition leader in Greece indicated that it’s important to move forward on the proposal. The second component is recapitalization of Europe’s banks. And they have identified that need and they are resourcing that need. And that I think is going to be critical to further instill confidence in the markets.And the third part of it is creating this firewall, essentially sending a signal to the markets that Europe is going to stand behind the euro. And all the details, the structure, how it operates, are still being worked out among the European leaders. What we were able to do was to give them some ideas, some options in terms of how they would put that together. And what we’ve said is -- and I’m speaking now for the whole of the G20 -- what we’ve said is the international community is going to stand y to assist and make sure that the overall global economy is cushioned by the gyrations in the market and the shocks that arise as Europe is working these issues through. And so they’re going to have a strong partner in us. But European leaders understand that ultimately what the markets are looking for is a strong signal from Europe that they’re standing behind the euro.Q So you’re discouraging them from looking for money -- outside money?PRESIDENT OBAMA: No, what we were saying is that -- and this is reflected in the communiqué -- that, for example, creating additional tools for the IMF is an important component of providing markets overall confidence in global growth and stability, but that is a supplement to the work that is being done here in Europe. And based on my conversations with President Sarkozy, Chancellor Merkel, and all the other European leaders, I believe they have that strong commitment to the euro and the European project.David Muir.Q Thank you, Mr. President. I’m curious what you would say to Americans back home who’ve watched their 401(k)s recover largely when the bailout seemed a certainty, and then this week with the brand new political tumult in Greece, watched themselves lose essentially what they had gained back. You mentioned you’re confident in the bailout plan. Are you confident this will actually happen, and if so, that it will work?PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, if you’re talking about the movements of the U.S. stock market, the stock market was down when I first took office and the first few months I was in office about 3,000 points lower than it is now. So nothing has happened in the last two weeks that would suggest that somehow people’s 401(k)s have been affected the way you describe.Am I confident that this will work? I think that there’s more work to do. I think there are going to be some ups and downs along the way. But I am confident that the key players in Europe -- the European political leadership -- understands how much of a stake they have in making sure that this crisis is resolved, that the eurozone remains intact, and I think that they are going to do what's necessary in order to make that happen.Now, let's recognize how difficult this is. I have sympathy for my European counterparts. We saw how difficult it was for us to save the financial system back in the ed States. It did not do wonders for anybody's political standing, because people's general attitude is, you know what, if the financial sector is behaving recklessly or not making good decisions, other folks shouldn't have to suffer for it. You layer on top of that the fact that you're negotiating with multiple parliaments, a European parliament, a European Commission -- I mean, there are just a lot of institutions here in Europe. And I think several -- I'm not sure whether it was Sarkozy or Merkel or Barroso or somebody, they joked with me that I'd gotten a crash course in European politics over the last several days. And there are a lot of meetings here in Europe as well. So trying to coordinate all those different interests is laborious, it's time consuming, but I think they're going to get there.What is also positive is -- if there's a silver lining in this whole process, it's the fact that I think European leaders recognize that there are some structural reforms, institutional modifications they need to make if Europe and the eurozone is to be as effective as they want it to be. I think that what this has exposed is that if you have a single currency but you haven't worked out all the institutional coordination and relationships between countries on the fiscal side, on the monetary side, that that creates additional vulnerabilities. And there's a commitment on the part of European leaders, I think, to examine those issues. But those are long term. In the short term, what they've got to do is just make sure that they're sending a signal to the markets that they stand behind the euro. And if that message is sent, then I think this crisis is averted, because some of this crisis is psychological. Italy is a big country with a enormous industrial base, great wealth, great assets, and has had substantial debt for quite some time -- it's just the market is feeling skittish right now. And that's why I think Prime Minister Berlusconi's invitation to the IMF to certify that the reform plan that they put in place is one that they will, in fact, follow is an example of the steady, confidence-building measures that need to take place in order for us to get back on track.Norah O'Donnell.Q Thank you, Mr. President. The world leaders here have stressed growth -- the importance of growth. And yet growth back at home has been anemic, the new jobs report today showing just 88,000 jobs added. The Republicans in Congress have made it clear that they're going to block your jobs bill because they believe the tax hikes in it hurt small businesses. At what point do you feel that you declare stalemate to try and reach common ground? And do you feel like you have been an effective leader when it comes to the economy?PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, wherever Republicans indicate an interest in doing things that would actually grow the economy, I'm right there with them. So they've said that passing trade bills with South Korea and Panama and Colombia would help spur growth -- those got done, with significant bipartisan support. They've suggested that we need to reform our patent laws -- that's something that was part of my long-term program for economic growth; we've got that done. What I've said is all those things are nice and they're important, but if we want to grow the economy right now then we have to think bigger; we've got to do something bolder and more significant. So we put forward the American Jobs Act, which contains ideas that are historically supported by Democrats and Republicans -- like rebuilding our infrastructure, our roads and our bridges; putting teachers back in the classroom; providing tax credits to small businesses. You say, Norah, that the reason they haven't voted for them is because they don't want to tax small business. Well, actually, that's not -- if that's their rationale then it doesn't fly, because the bill that they voted down yesterday -- a component of the American jobs bill -- essentially said we can create hundreds of thousands of jobs, rebuilding our infrastructure, making America more competitive, and the entire program will be paid for by a tax not on millionaires but people making a million dollars a year or more, which in the ed States is about -- a little over 300,000 people. Now, there aren't a lot of small businesses across the country that are making that kind of money. In fact, less than 3 percent of small businesses make more than 0,000 a year. So what they've said is, we prefer to protect 300,000 people rather than put hundreds of thousands of people back to work and benefit 300 million Americans who are hurting because of low growth.So we're going to keep on pushing. Now, there are steps that we can take absent congressional action. And the refinancing proposal that we put forward in Las Vegas is an example of that -- helping students with student loans. We're going to keep on rolling out administrative steps that we can take that strengthen the economy. But if we're going to do something big to jumpstart the economy at a time when it's stabilized but unemployment is way too high, Congress is going to need to act. And in terms of my track record on the economy -- well, here's just a simple way of thinking about it: When I came into office, the U.S. economy had contracted by 9 percent -- the largest contraction since the Great Depression. Little over a year later, the economy was growing by 4 percent, and it's been growing ever since. Now, is that good enough? Absolutely not. We've got to do more. And as soon as I get some signal from Congress that they’re willing to take their responsibilities seriously, I think we can do more. But that’s going to require them to break out of the rigid ideological positions that they’ve been taking. And the same is true, by the way, when it comes to deficit reduction. We can solve all our problems. We can grow our economy now, put people back to work, reduce our deficit. And you get surprising consensus from economists about how to do it, from both the left and the right. It’s just a matter of setting politics aside. And we’re constantly remembering that the election is one year away. If we do that, there's no reason why can’t solve these problems.All right? Thank you, everybody.201111/160119淮安中山医院有割包皮的吗?

淮安原发性早泄治疗费用涟水县治疗早泄多少钱 President Bush Discusses Cuba, Marks Day of Solidarity  THE PRESIDENT: Bienvenidos. Thanks for coming to mark this Day of Solidarity with the Cuban People. This is a day of pride, as we honor the culture and history of a noble nation. It is a day of sorrow, as we reflect on the continued oppression of the Cuban people. Most of all, this is a day of hope. We have hope because we see a day coming when Cubans will have the freedom of which they have dreamed for centuries -- the freedom that is the eternal birthright of all mankind. And many of you here are working to hasten this day -- and I thank you for your efforts.   I particularly thank the members of my Cabinet who have joined us. Madam Secretary, thank you for coming and being a staunch friend of the Cuban people. (Applause.) Mi amigo, Carlos Gutierrez. (Applause.) Y tu familia. For those of you in Cuba who are listening to this broadcast I think it is important for you to know that Carlos is a Cuban American. He's now in the Cabinet of the President of the ed States. All things are possible in a free society. (Applause.)   Secretary Kempthorne, Secretary Chao, and Secretary Leavitt, thank you all for coming as well. I appreciate Acting Secretary Bernardi, of the Department of Housing and Urban Development. I'm particularly thankful for members of the ed States Congress -- Mel Martinez, all things are possible in a free society. (Applause.) Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. (Applause.) Los hermanos Balart. (Applause.) Lincoln Diaz-Balart, y tambien Mario Diaz-Balart. Thank you for coming. (Applause.) Congressman Chris Smith. (Applause.) Congressman Darrell Issa. (Applause.) Congressman John Campbell. (Applause.) Congressman Gus Bilirakis. (Applause.) Thank you all for coming. (Applause.)   I appreciate the members of the Diplomatic Corps who have joined us. Thank you for being such good friends of the Cuban people. I want to thank the family members of Cuban dissidents who are here. Welcome to the White House, thank you for coming. (Applause.) (%bk%)  Y por fin Willy Chirino and his wife, Lisette Alvarez. (Applause.)   This time of year holds great significance for the Cuban people. One hundred and 13 years ago this week, Cuba lost its great poet and patriot, José Martí. And 106 years ago this week, Cuba achieved the independence for which Martí gave his life. José Martí knew that true liberty would come to Cuba only with a just government of it's people's choosing. He warned: "A regime of personal despotism would be even more shameful and calamitous than the political despotism [Cuba] now endures."   Martí's warning proved truer than anyone could have imagined. Today, after nearly a half-century of repression, Cuba still suffers under the personal despotism of Fidel and Raul Castro. On the dictators' watch, Cuba's political freedoms have been denied. Families have been torn apart. The island's economy has been reduced to shambles. Cuba's culture has been drained of artists and scholars and musicians and athletes. And like the once-grand buildings of Havana, Cuba's society is crumbling after decades of neglect under the Castros.   A few months ago, when Fidel handed over many of his titles to his brother Raul, the Cuban regime announced a series of so-called "reforms." For example, Cubans are now allowed to purchase mobile phones and DVD players and computers. And they've been told that they will be able to purchase toasters and other basic appliances in 2010. (%bk%)  If the Cuban regime is serious about improving life for the Cuban people, it will take steps necessary to make these changes meaningful. Now that the Cuban people can be trusted with mobile phones, they should also be trusted to speak freely in public. (Applause.) Now that the Cuban people are allowed to purchase DVD players, they should also be allowed to watch movies and documentaries produced by Cuban artists who are free to express themselves. (Applause.) Now that the Cuban people have open access to computers, they should also have open access to the Internet. (Applause.) And now that the Cuban people will be allowed to have toasters in two years, they should stop needing to worry about whether they will have b today. (Applause.)   There is another problem with the regime's recent announcements: It is the height of hypocrisy to claim credit for permitting Cubans to own products that virtually none of them can afford. For the regime's actions to have any impact, they must be accompanied by major economic reforms that open up Cuba's inefficient state-run markets, to give families real choices about what they buy, and institute a free enterprise system that allows ordinary people to benefit from their talents and their hard work. Only when Cubans have an economy that makes prosperity possible will these announcements lead to any real improvements in their daily lives. (%bk%)  Real change in Cuba also requires political freedom. In this area too, the regime has made grand commitments. One of Raul's first acts after receiving his new titles was to sign a major ed Nations treaty on human rights. Yet when it comes to respecting human rights on the island, the regime has not attempted even cosmetic changes. For example, political dissidents continue to be harassed, detained, and beaten, and more than 200 prisoners of conscience still languish in Castro's tropical gulag.   Recently, I received a letter from a man who spent 17 years in these dungeons. He described them as "dens of torture and pain and death." This is an undeniable violation of the U.N. treaty that Cuba just signed. If the regime views this document as anything more than a worthless piece of paper, it must immediately stop its abuse of political dissidents and release all political prisoners. (Applause.)   The world is watching the Cuban regime. If it follows its recent public gestures by opening up access to information, and implementing meaningful economic reform, respecting political freedom and human rights, then it can credibly say it has delivered the beginnings of change. But experience tells us this regime has no intention of taking these steps. Instead, its recent gestures appear to be nothing more than a cruel joke perpetrated on a long-suffering people. (%bk%)  America refuses to be deceived, and so do the Cuban people. (Applause.) While the regime embarrasses and isolates itself, the Cuban people will continue to act with dignity and honor and courage. In Cuba, advocates of liberty use this week to honor the political prisoners who have sacrificed for the cause of freedom -- like a brave writer named Pedro Luis Boitel. (Applause.) On May 17, 1972, while on a hunger strike in prison, Boitel said: "They can kill and destroy my body, but never my spirit. This [they] can never bend." Eight days later, Boitel died. He was 41 years old.   We see the same unbending courage in Cuba's political prisoners today. We see it in a man named Luis Enrique Ferrer García. Luis Enrique is a peaceful pro-democracy advocate who was rounded up during the 2003 Black Spring. Luis Enrique received the longest sentence of all those arrested during the crackdown, condemned to 28 years in the Castros' prisons. At times, this brave man has been trapped in a dark cell too small for him to stand. He suffers from high blood pressure, and severe gastrointestinal illnesses. As his health obviously deteriorates, he has little access to his family.   We see this courage in a doctor named Oscar Elias Biscet. Dr. Biscet is a healer, a man of peace, and a determined activist for human rights. For all this, Dr. Biscet serves a 25-year sentence under the worst conditions. He was once put into solitary confinement for nearly eight months, trapped in a small, dark, underground cell. He lost nearly 50 pounds and has lost almost all of his teeth. He is in poor health. He is allowed very few visitors. (%bk%)  We see this courage in Cuba's Damas de blanco. Every Sunday, these "Ladies in White" march in silent protest, demanding the release of their loved ones. A few weeks ago, when about a dozen of these women held a peaceful sit-in at a public park, they were dragged from the area by a large pro-regime mob. One of the women was Berta Soler, whose husband, Juan Angel Moya Acosta, is serving a 20-year sentence. Earlier this month, Berta told me personally: "Despite the torture, Cuba's political prisoners will not give in."   Recently, a former political prisoner asked me to remember his brothers languishing in Castro's jails. Through this Day of Solidarity with the Cuban People, we honor that request by speaking the names of Cuba's prisoners of conscience. They include the men I have just mentioned. They include others such as: Ricardo Gonzalez Alfonso, Jose Luis Garcia Paneque, Normando Hernandez, Jorge Luis Gonzalez Tanquero, and Ariel and Guido Sigler Amaya. They include other names that many of you keep in your hearts and in your prayers.   These names are being whispered in Cuban cities from Pinar del Rio to Santiago de Cuba. These names are being echoed at Solidarity events around the world, as people from South America to Eastern Europe demand the release of all Cuban prisoners -- political prisoners. Today these names are being recognized by the nation that will always be a friend of Cuban freedom -- los Estados Unidos. (Applause.) (%bk%)  This is the first Day of Solidarity with the Cuban People -- and the ed States must keep observing such days until Cuba's freedom. We'll continue to support the Cubans who work to make their nation democratic and prosperous and just. Since 2001, the ed States has dramatically stepped up our efforts to promote freedom and democracy in Cuba. This includes our increased efforts to get uncensored information to the Cuban people, primarily through Radio y TV Marti.   Today, I also repeat my offer to license U.S. NGOs and faith-based groups to provide computers and Internet to the Cuban people -- if Cuban rulers will end their restrictions on Internet access. And since Raul is allowing Cubans to own mobile phones for the first time, we're going to change our regulations to allow Americans to send mobile phones to family members in Cuba. If Raul is serious about his so-called reforms, he will allow these phones to reach the Cuban people. (Applause.)   Through these measures, the ed States is reaching out to the Cuban people. Yet we know that life will not fundamentally change for Cubans until their form of government changes. For those who've suffered for decades, such change may seem impossible. But the truth is, it is inevitable. (%bk%)  The day will come when Cubans freely receive information from many sources. The day will come when popular blogs are no longer blocked, and broadcasts from the ed States are no longer jammed. The day will come when Cuban leaders live up to the international human rights documents they have signed -- instead of making a mockery of them. The day will come when Cubans can speak their dissent and change their jobs and leave their country and return to it. And the day will come when they can worship the God Almighty without fear. (Applause.) The day will come when all political prisoners are offered unconditional release. And these developments will bring another great day -- the day when Cubans choose their own leaders by voting in free and fair elections. (Applause.)   Today, 113 years after José Martí left us, a new poet-patriot expresses the hopes of the Cuban people. With us this morning is songwriter Willy Chirino. Willy will perform a song that is on the Cuban people's lips and in their hearts. And here are some of its lyrics: Nuestro día ya viene llegando.   As I mentioned, today my words are being broadcast directly to the Cuban people. I say to all those listening on the island today: Your day is coming. As surely as the waves beat against the Malecón, the tide of freedom will reach Cuba's shores. Until it does, know that you are in our prayers. And know that the Author of liberty hears those prayers, y que, con su ayuda, veremos a Cuba libre. Gracias, y que Díos los bendiga. (Applause.) 200806/41743淮安妇幼保健院妇科疾病多少钱

淮安那家医院做无痛人流最好We have been proud of our industrial achievements, but we have not hitherto stopped thoughtfully enough to count the human cost,我们一向对我国的工业成就引以为豪,但我们至今仍没有缜密计算一下人类为此付出的代价:the cost of lives snuffed out, of energies overtaxed and broken, the fearful physical and spiritual cost to the men and women and children包括人们所献出的生命的代价;由于辛劳过度、心力交瘁所付出的精力的代价;以及男人、女人和儿童upon whom the dead weight and burden of it all has fallen pitilessly the years through.工业生产的全部重担成年累月地无情地压在这些人的身上——所付出的骇人听闻的体力代价和精神代价。The groans and agony of it all had not yet reached our ears, the solemn, moving undertone of our life,这些人的痛楚呻吟尚未完全传到我们的耳际,而由矿山、工厂,coming up out of the mines and factories, and out of every home where the struggle had its intimate and familiar seat.由每一个痛苦挣扎的家庭传来的这些呻吟则构成了我们生活中的庄严而感人的和声。With the great Government went many deep secret things which we too long delayed to look into and scrutinize with candid, fearless eyes.伴随伟大政体而来的,还有我们长期以来一直不愿以坦率无畏的眼光去探索、去审视的许多讳莫如深的事物。The great Government we loved has too often been made use of for private and selfish purposes, and those who used it had forgotten the people.我们所热爱的伟大政体经常被人们用来为个人谋私利,而利用这个政体的那些人则早已把人民大众忘记得一千二净。At last a vision has been vouchsafed us of our life as a whole.我们终于得以看到了生活的全貌。We see the bad with the good, the debased and decadent with the sound and vital. With this vision we approach new affairs.我们看到恶与善、丑与美、颓唐堕落与活力生机并生共存。我们是以这种眼光来处理新生事物的。Our duty is to cleanse, to reconsider, to restore, to correct the evil without impairing the good,我们的责任是清除、审察、纠偏、匡正邪恶而不损害善与美,to purify and humanize every process of our common life without weakening or sentimentalizing it.使我们日常生活的每一个过程得以净化、人性化而不使之衰弱伤感。There has been something crude and heartless and unfeeling in our haste to succeed and be great.但我们往往急于求成,有些事憎难免做得粗鲁、无情而冷酷。Our thought has been ;Let every man look out for himself, let every generation look out for itself,;我们一向认为要“让每一个人自己照管自己,让每一代人自己照管自己”,while we reared giant machinery which made it impossible that any but those who stood at the levers of control should have a chance to look out for themselves.同时,我们却建立起了庞大的政府机器、使除了那些掌握操纵杆的人之外,任何人都不可能有机会照管自己。We had not forgotten our morals.我们没有忘记我们的道德准则。We remembered well enough that we had set up a policy which was meant to serve the humblest as well as the most powerful,我们清楚地记得,我们曾经制定过一项政策,说明我们既要为权贵效劳,with an eye single to the standards of justice and fair play, and remembered it with pride.也要为地位低下者务,而且我们特别着眼于公正合理的准则,一想到这一点,我们就会感到自豪。But we were very heedless and in a hurry to be great.但是,我们太不谨慎,太急于求成了。We have come now to the sober second thought. The scales of heedlessness have fallen from our eyes.现在我们已经在冷静地重新思考。我们的眼睛已经去除了因考虑不周而造成的翳障。We have made up our minds to square every process of our national life again with the standards we so proudly set up at the beginning and have always carried at our hearts.我们决心要以我们当初自豪地建立起来的、并且始终牢记在心中的准则,重新调整国民生活的每一个过程。Our work is a work of restoration.我们所要做的工作是一项正本清源的工作。02/444784 Ronald Reagan: The Space Shuttle "Challenger" Tragedy Address"We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights...more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space."[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Ladies and Gentlemen, I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day for mourning and remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger. We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. But we've never lost an astronaut in flight. We've never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. But they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe. We mourn their loss as a nation together. For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel the loss, and we're thinking about you so very much. Your loved ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, "Give me a challenge, and I'll meet it with joy." They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve, and they did. They served all of us.We've grown used to wonders in this century. It's hard to dazzle us. But for twenty-five years the ed States space program has been doing just that. We've grown used to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that we've only just begun. We're still pioneers. They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's take-off. I know it's hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen. It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we'll continue to follow them.I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program. And what happened today does nothing to diminish it. We don't hide our space program. We don't keep secrets and cover things up. We do it all up front and in public. That's the way freedom is, and we wouldn't change it for a minute. We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA, or who worked on this mission and tell them: "Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us for decades. And we know of your anguish. We share it."There's a coincidence today. On this day three hundred and ninety years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama. In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said, "He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it." Well, today, we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake's, complete.The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives. We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and "slipped the surly bonds of earth" to "touch the face of God."Thank you.George W. Bush: "Columbia" Disaster Address200606/7524淮安治疗子宫内膜炎哪家医院最好的淮安开发区妇科整形多少钱

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